Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La présente étude porte sur le contentieux entre les branches législative et exécutive du pouvoir fédéral américain relatif à la légitimité de l'utilisation des pouvoirs de guerre. Il s'agit d'un examen de l'inertie relative du Congrès des États-Unis vis-à-vis des initiatives unilatérales de l'administration Clinton dans le cadre de la participation américaine au conflit en Bosnie-Herzégovine entre 1992 et 1996. Cette analyse documentaire cherche à expliquer à l'aide de deux variables la passivité des 103e et 104e Congrès relativement à la réaffirmation de leurs prérogatives constitutionnelles. Nous débutons par une mise en contexte du contentieux. Il est ainsi question des visées de la Constitution américaine, de certaines dispositions du document, de l'évolution juridique et historique du débat au cours du XXe siècle et de l'impact de l'institutionnalisme international sur la conduite des affaires militaires. Après avoir présenté de façon exhaustive le débat sur l'utilisation unilatérale de la force par la présidence dans le contexte du conflit en ex-Yougoslavie, nous présentons une analyse factorielle de l'inertie de la branche législative. Dans un premier temps, une variable permanente, la coutume, nous permet de comprendre l'impact de l'héritage historique, juridique et politique du XXe siècle sur les perceptions et positions des membres de chacune des branches du pouvoir fédéral par rapport à l'utilisation de la force. L'évolution de la culture politique dans le temps, l'usure institutionnelle, le rôle des tribunaux et de la jurisprudence et certaines nouvelles pratiques relatives à la bureaucratie sont ainsi présentés. Dans un deuxième temps, une variable particulière explique les raisons conjoncturelles et structurelles à la base de l'attitude du Congrès dans le cadre du conflit bosniaque. Cette variable comporte d'abord l'impact du facteur électoral et de la donne partisane. Par la suite les conjonctures nationales et internationales sont examinées. Finalement, le leadership au sein du législatif et de l'exécutif constitue le dernier facteur composant la variable particulière. La grille d'analyse élaborée permet ainsi de comprendre la passivité des 103e et 104e Congrès par rapport aux initiatives unilatérales de l'administration Clinton en regard du conflit en Bosnie-Herzégovine. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : États-Unis, Congrès, Président, Pouvoirs de guerre, Bosnie-Herzégovine

L'hypothèse de la dissertation est la suivante: les objectifs à long terme du ministère des Affaires extérieures du Canada ont influencé les décisions militaires en ce qui concerne la brigade canadienne de l'OTAN, en Allemagne. D'autres facteurs, comme les limitations financières, les traditions, le moral et l'efficacité militaire, ainsi que la rivalité entre les services ont aussi joué un rôle et doivent être prises en compte dans l'analyse. Nos recherches nous ont permis de découvrir que la sécurité nationale - entendue dans un sens large, elle comprenait le domaine idéologique, la culture et le commerce - et la protection de l'Europe de l'Ouest formaient la base des objectifs du Canada et ont eu une grande influence sur les décisions militaires. Tel a été le cas pour la décision d'envoyer une brigade en Allemagne, ainsi que pour la détermination de son statut, de son rôle et de son emplacement. Notre méthode de recherche a consisté à utiliser, analyser et interpréter les sources primaires, pour vérifier la valeur de notre hypothèse. Nous avons étudié la correspondance, les rapports et les messages échangés entre les diplomates, les politiciens et les officiers supérieurs, pour connaître leurs motivations, leurs pensées et leurs différends. À cause de ses engagements envers l'OTAN, le Canada dut se doter d'une force militaire supérieure en nombre et améliorer les conditions de service de ses soldats, afin d'attirer de nouvelles recrues et de les garder ensuite dans les rangs de son armée. Les dossiers du service des relations publiques de la brigade et les rapports de l'ambassade canadienne à Bonn montrent les rapports qui existaient entre le comportement des soldats canadiens et les objectifs secondaires et militaires du gouvernement. Les incidents entre les soldats canadiens et les civils allemands étaient utilisés par les partis politiques allemands contre l'OTAN. Finalement, il y eut des accords et des désaccords entre les buts à long terme, les autres facteurs enjeu et les exigences de la réalité. Chaque décision était unique et fondée sur des facteurs qui différaient peu ou prou selon les circonstances. / The hypothesis of this thesis is that long term foreign policy goals influenced military decision making with inspect to the Canadian NATO brigade located in Germany. Other factors, such as domestic budgetary limitations, efficiency, morale, and inter-service rivalry, also played a role and are considered in the analysis. Foreign policy goals were derived from a broad view of national security, comprising ideological, cultural, social and economic factors and including the defence of western Europe. These factors were, evident in the decisions to send the brigade to Germany, Canadian insistence upon a non-occupation status for its brigade, its placement with the British Army of the Rhine and attempts to influence the role of the brigade. The methodology consisted of analysing and interpreting primary sources to verify the validity of the hypothesis Correspondence, reports and messages among diplomats, politicians and senior military officers were examined to understand their motives, their thoughts and their differences. The public relations files of the brigade and reports of the Embassy in Bonn illustrate a tenuous relationship between the comportment or " Canadian troops and the achievement of Canadian foreign policy goals. Incidents between soldiers and German civilians were used by German political parties who opposed NATO to attack the alliance and Adenauer's support for it. The thesis illustrates areas of dissonance where foreign policy goals were less influential in decision making and discusses the other factors which sometimes predominated in specific decisions. The NATO engagement resulted in a larger regular force. The exclusive use of volunteers to fill this role resulted in improvements in conditions of service h order to attract and to keep recruits. These changes affected the character of the Canadian Army. The factors considered in each decision were slightly different and each decision was unique. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2013

En 2002, le gouvernement canadien prend la décision d'intervenir militairement en Afghanistan. Le premier déploiement de militaires canadiens a lieu en août de la même année. Quatre ans plus tard, les Forces canadiennes sont toujours présentes en Afghanistan et leur mission, bien que ponctuellement questionnée, devrait se poursuivre encore quelque temps. Ce mémoire propose une analyse du processus ayant mené à la décision canadienne d'intervenir en Afghanistan en utilisant comme cadre d'analyse le modèle poly-heuristique. Il s'agit là d'une approche contemporaine de l'analyse de la politique étrangère et de son processus décisionnel qui propose une démarche en deux étapes. La première étape consiste en un rejet des alternatives qui ne satisfont pas au critère de base choisi. La deuxième étape consiste en un choix final des décideurs parmi les alternatives restantes de la décision qui maximisera les bénéfices et minimisera les risques, tant pour l'État que pour lui-même. / In 2002, the Canadian government made the decision to proceed with a military intervention in Afghanistan. The first deployment of Canadian military personnel took place in August of the same year. More than four years later, the Canadian Forces are still in Afghanistan. This thesis proposes an analysis, based on a poly-heuristic analytic framework, of the decision-making process that led to the Canadian decision to go into Afghanistan. This framework, which consists of a two-step process, is a contemporary model of foreign policy analysis and its decision-making process. The first step involves a rejection of alternatives that do not satisfy a set of basic qualifying criteria. The second step consists of the final choice, from the alternatives that pass the first test, of the option that will maximize the benefits and minimize the risks for the State and equally for the decisionmaker.

“What is Europe's role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples?” These were two of the central questions put by the Laeken Declaration, adopted by the European Council in December 2001. The Declaration offered the beginning of an answer, pointing out the direction for future policy developments, and for the institutional reform underpinning them: “The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism, but which also does not turn a blind eye to the world's heartrending injustices. In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs…A power seeking to set globalisation within a moral framework.” At the same time, the Laeken Declaration pointed out some more specific questions concerning the institutional innovations required to enhance the coherence of European foreign policy and to reinforce the synergy between the High Representative for CFSP and the relevant Commissioners within the RELEX family. With a view to a better distribution of competences between the EU and Member States, on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity, the text mentioned the development of a European foreign and defence policy first, and referred more particularly to the scope for updating the ‘Petersberg’ tasks of crisis management, a policy domain that would take a pivotal place in the consolidation of ESDP and CFSP at large. This Declaration marks the beginning of the process of regime reform that covers the last three years of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union. This evolution, and the innovations that it has brought about in institutional and normative terms, are the subjects of this thesis.<p><p>The Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS). <p><p>Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP. <p><p>Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making. <p><p>On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform. <p><p><p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished