Since the early 1990s a growing number of constitution building processes in countries transitioning from authoritarian rule or recovering from war or severe institutional crisis have involved public participation. This increase stems from an assumption made by many peacebuilding scholars and practitioners that public participation in constitution building will lead to higher levels of democracy. This assumption has not, however, been the subject of systematic or comprehensive analysis. Therefore, the overarching purpose of this thesis is to scrutinize the participation-hypothesis - as it is referred to in this study. The study is a two-step investigation. The first part begins with an analysis of twenty cases of participatory constitution building that have occurred in post-conflict states, transitioning states and countries that have experienced a severe institutional crisis. In order to differentiate the cases in terms of how much influence participants were granted, an analytical framework is developed and the cases are categorized as either false, symbolic, limited, consultative or substantial participation. The participation-hypothesis is then empirically investigated by comparing democracy levels prior to and after the process for each of the 20 cases. In order to further test the hypothesis, cases of constitution making in which there was no public participation are then added to the investigation. These cases are included as a point of reference – the democratic outcome in this group is compared with the democratic outcome in the twenty participatory processes. The empirical results reveal that there is no relationship between public participation in constitution building processes and higher levels of democracy. On the contrary, some cases that involved considerable influence for participants have not experienced improved levels of democracy, while cases with low levels of influence for participants have shown democratic improvement. Moreover, a majority of cases of constitution making without public participation have also experienced increases in their democracy scores. Therefore, the conclusion of the first part of the study is that the participation-hypothesis does not stand up to empirical scrutiny. Particularly challenging for the participation-hypothesis is the fact that the analysis in part one shows that similar participatory processes have been followed by democratic improvement in some countries and democratic decline in others. Two such cases are Kenya and Zimbabwe. While democracy levels have increased in Kenya since the conclusion of the process, they have steadily declined in Zimbabwe. In the second part of the study, these two countries are therefore the object of intense, systematic and comparative scrutiny in order to explore factors beyond participation in constitution building that might explain the different trajectories of democracy. The comparison shows that the actions of political elites – in particular their ability to cooperate with each other – is the major explanation as to why the two wind up on different paths. The importance of elite cooperation is well-established in the democratization literature. One major conclusion of this study is therefore that the participation-hypothesis needs to be informed by insights drawn from this literature.

<p>How do people rebuild their lives, livelihoods, and community in the same location where brutal conflict has occurred? My research in San Carlos, Colombia--a rural community emerging from a decade of violence--investigates how conflict targets the built and natural environments of people's lives. Roads, bridges, buildings, and land have all been sites of violence, illustrating the blurred lines between military and civilian space. The meanings of these locations change after war. Yet, for those returning after a decade of internal displacement, these are exactly the building blocks that must be used to remake home, livelihoods, and community. I use the concept of forensic infrastructure to explore the materiality of memory and politics in war, the immediate aftermath, and long-term reconstruction.</p><p>A forensic approach to infrastructure involves understanding materials as text and tools in which politics and memory are embedded and enacted. Forms of infrastructure serve as archives of the past and stages for the practice and performance of awesome and everyday life. As both material and metaphor for interdependence, infrastructure is the physical embodiment of complex concepts such as development, modernity, progress, citizenship, and stability. </p><p>Nowhere are these concepts more contested in Colombia than San Carlos. Between 1998-2005, the FARC and ELN guerrillas, the Bloque Metro and Cacique Nutibara paramilitaries, and the armed forces fought in San Carlos over control of the country's largest hydroelectric complex and the Bogotá-Medellín highway connecting Colombia's two biggest cities. Eighty percent of the population fled. Beginning in 2005, however, after paramilitary demobilization and military victories over the FARC, people started returning to their homes. Since 2010, San Carlos has been host to innovative initiatives facilitating return. It is often portrayed in the national media as a model for return, reconstruction, and reconciliation.</p><p>While internal displacement has been a crisis in Colombia for decades, large-scale return is a new phenomenon. Little has been written about return, especially based on sustained ethnographic fieldwork. This dissertation, based on seven research trips between 2008-2015, including fifteen months of fieldwork in San Carlos and Medellín in 2011-2012, sheds light on the everyday experiences and difficulties of return--both for those who were displaced and those who remained. Rebuilding the physical spaces of connection, containment, and circulation necessary for community to function in San Carlos embodies a larger struggle over the nature of development, progress, and reparation in Colombia. I suggest return is possible in San Carlos because the fight was over mobility instead of the land itself. The same model of return will be difficult to impossible to apply in areas where monoculture agriculture or mining play a major role in conflict.</p> / Dissertation

The study of externally-led democratisation in conflict-affected societies has expanded over the last two decades. The introduction of democracy from the outside has attracted extensive scholarly interest in accordance with the increasing engagement of the United Nations and other international agents in attempting to build long-lasting domestic, regional and international peace through promoting democratic forms of government in the post-Cold War era. The studies conducted to investigate democratisation in post-conflict societies have focused on the construction of government institutions and transferring necessary institutional competencies due to the fact that externally-driven democratisation policies target the state rather than the nation. In this respect, some studies undertaken to examine the process of democratisation in post-conflict societies pointed to the need for sequencing of tasks such as establishing security, law and order and building strong and capable government institutions in the first place. Their focus, however, has still remained on the state rather than the nation. Through examining two case studies, this thesis emphasises two significant points: 1) achieving successful democratic transformation in conflict-affected societies requires not only the construction of functioning central state institutions but also the creation of a shared sense of national community; and 2) sequencing of post-conflict reconstruction tasks therefore should also involve building a sense of national cohesion through promoting social communication, participation and inclusion in political, institutional and social processes while postponing the competitive or potentially conflictual aspects of democracy. The need to integrate the creation of a sense of shared national community into studies of democracy promotion in societies emerging from conflict stems from the fact that the reconstruction of post-conflict societies involves two separate but complementary and interacting processes. These processes were examined under two headings: state-building and nation-building. The construction of well-functioning, effective government institutions and the achievement of a sense of national community were found to be vital, inter-connected factors to consolidate democratic rule promoted by external actors. The lack of or a weak sense of social cohesion has an undermining effect on the capacity of state institutions to exercise authority and effectively and democratically perform their roles and duties. Failing to deliver their functions to the public and exercise political authority throughout the entire territory, weak state institutions, in return, do not provide a suitable environment for consolidating democratic rule, which requires the execution of the rule of law and protection and guaranteeing of citizens’ political rights.

The transformation period between intrastate civil conflicts has been primarily examined within sporadic case studies. A lack of macro theory in the field of Peacebuilding has led to a predisposition towards policy-friendly academic works. The policy changes and studies that get suggested take advantage of hindsight and are often case specific. Without allowing for the variances in differing post-conflict situations the changes struggle to provide usable theoretical works. This field requires accurate comparative studies, but the dominance of micro theoretical casework has undermined any larger analysis. This thesis proposes a categorical framework for qualitative analysis of post-conflict studies and tests it within a series of conflicts in the Pacific region. Comparing the Bougainville independence conflict, Fijian coups and reoccurring violence in the Solomon Islands, the differences apparent in each case will demonstrate what changes occur for better or worse, reinforcing the need for more incorporative frameworks.

Iraq has since post conflict of 2003 administrated the Euphrates and Tigris River in accordance to the countries plan management. It is researched in this study how the Iraqi Government and the Kurdistan Regional Government have managed and prioritized its water resource comparing the Euphrates and Tigris River flowing through Western and Northern Iraq. The focus is also on approaches and the alternative consequences derived from different management perspectives. It is concluded in this study that there are different priorities and management approaches in Iraqi Government and Kurdistan Regional Government. Iraqi Government has not managed Euphrates River as needed post conflict of 2003 where the approach is not satisfactory to resolve the problem facing the Euphrates River. It can become an underlying problem to an additional distress among the population which can heighten the risk for disputes and uprising of further conflicts in the region if the problems are not solved in Western Iraq. Tigris River that is also managed by the Iraqi Government has not been the top priority and there are unsolved problems around the river. The distress amongst the population can outburst in a bad manner if problems not solved surrounding the Tigris River. However the tributaries that flow through Kurdistan Regional Government to the Tigris River are of better condition more attention is directed to water management and there are aspirations for meeting the challenges and well as changing management approach. Kurdistan Regional Government has managed to prioritize and manage water from the tributaries better than Iraqi Government.

The study intended to investigate whether Zimbabwe possesses realistic potential export opportunities that can lead to the sustainable reconstruction of its economy. The study was initiated on the premise that Zimbabwe is a fragile state and a post-conflict country going through reconstruction. The study also premised itself on the foundation that the current recovery efforts by Zimbabwe – although they have yielded some positive results, have still fallen short of providing sustainable economic growth without meaningful deeper reforms. Hence, this study is an attempt to provide policy makers with an alternative researched export promotion strategy with a focus on realistic potential opportunities. The study employed two techniques, namely survey of literature and empirical investigation. The survey of literature was achieved through theoretical literature on post-conflict reconstruction. Exports were identified in the various experiences of those countries that have gone through post-conflict reconstruction and still managed to use them in their recovery process. This necessitated a thorough investigation of literature to draw a theory upon which exports promotion could rely. The major theory that was surveyed in the literature is exportled growth (ELG). The theory is based on the premise that exports influence economic growth. Empirical evidence through literature was established in the studies carried out in different countries supporting the hypothesis. The theory was seen as superior to the import substitution strategy which led many developing countries to lag behind those which adopted export-led growth policies. The other aspect of empirical investigation was carried out through the application of the Decision Support Model (DSM). This is a scientific model that is used as a method of market selection. The model’s 4 filters were modified to include a 5th filter to specifically take into account the special circumstances of Zimbabwe. The 5th filter extension of the model provided a substantial contribution by this study to the model. A proxy of Zimbabwe’s neighbours – namely Botswana, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia was used to reinforce Zimbabwe’s competitiveness. This was based on the assumption that if Zimbabwe’s neighbours under similar conditions can successfully penetrate certain markets, then Zimbabwe should not find it difficult to penetrate the same markets. This empirical investigation showed that Zimbabwe does possess realistic potential export opportunities. The results identified 344 realistic export opportunities (REOs) for Zimbabwe in 17 regions, 50 countries, 13 sectors and 112 product lines. The study observed that Zimbabwe is in fact not utilising much of the REOs. In order to enable Zimbabwe to utilise the REOs, the study developed an appropriate export promotion strategy. The export promotion strategy is based on the results obtained from empirical investigation. The export promotion strategy has sub-strategies which respond to the specific needs of individual sectors and individual markets. The study established that instead of spending resources in an unfocused manner, the meagre resources can be applied to a more focused export promotion strategy. Based on the experiences of other countries that have gone through a similar post-conflict reconstruction process and have also used the theoretical conceptual framework of the export-led growth theory, the DSM results show there are realistic export opportunities (REOs) and these may contribute towards economic growth and recovery. The study further provided recommendations on how Zimbabwe could realise realistic potential export opportunities. This study has made a three-fold contribution. Firstly, a contribution has been made to the literature on post-conflict reconstruction and export promotion. Secondly, a significant contribution has been made by extending the Decision Support Model with a 5thfilter that also considers the supply side in the model. Finally, it has formulated an export promotion strategy, which can be applied by policy makers in Zimbabwe. / Thesis (PhD (Economics))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

The study intended to investigate whether Zimbabwe possesses realistic potential export opportunities that can lead to the sustainable reconstruction of its economy. The study was initiated on the premise that Zimbabwe is a fragile state and a post-conflict country going through reconstruction. The study also premised itself on the foundation that the current recovery efforts by Zimbabwe – although they have yielded some positive results, have still fallen short of providing sustainable economic growth without meaningful deeper reforms. Hence, this study is an attempt to provide policy makers with an alternative researched export promotion strategy with a focus on realistic potential opportunities. The study employed two techniques, namely survey of literature and empirical investigation. The survey of literature was achieved through theoretical literature on post-conflict reconstruction. Exports were identified in the various experiences of those countries that have gone through post-conflict reconstruction and still managed to use them in their recovery process. This necessitated a thorough investigation of literature to draw a theory upon which exports promotion could rely. The major theory that was surveyed in the literature is exportled growth (ELG). The theory is based on the premise that exports influence economic growth. Empirical evidence through literature was established in the studies carried out in different countries supporting the hypothesis. The theory was seen as superior to the import substitution strategy which led many developing countries to lag behind those which adopted export-led growth policies. The other aspect of empirical investigation was carried out through the application of the Decision Support Model (DSM). This is a scientific model that is used as a method of market selection. The model’s 4 filters were modified to include a 5th filter to specifically take into account the special circumstances of Zimbabwe. The 5th filter extension of the model provided a substantial contribution by this study to the model. A proxy of Zimbabwe’s neighbours – namely Botswana, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zambia was used to reinforce Zimbabwe’s competitiveness. This was based on the assumption that if Zimbabwe’s neighbours under similar conditions can successfully penetrate certain markets, then Zimbabwe should not find it difficult to penetrate the same markets. This empirical investigation showed that Zimbabwe does possess realistic potential export opportunities. The results identified 344 realistic export opportunities (REOs) for Zimbabwe in 17 regions, 50 countries, 13 sectors and 112 product lines. The study observed that Zimbabwe is in fact not utilising much of the REOs. In order to enable Zimbabwe to utilise the REOs, the study developed an appropriate export promotion strategy. The export promotion strategy is based on the results obtained from empirical investigation. The export promotion strategy has sub-strategies which respond to the specific needs of individual sectors and individual markets. The study established that instead of spending resources in an unfocused manner, the meagre resources can be applied to a more focused export promotion strategy. Based on the experiences of other countries that have gone through a similar post-conflict reconstruction process and have also used the theoretical conceptual framework of the export-led growth theory, the DSM results show there are realistic export opportunities (REOs) and these may contribute towards economic growth and recovery. The study further provided recommendations on how Zimbabwe could realise realistic potential export opportunities. This study has made a three-fold contribution. Firstly, a contribution has been made to the literature on post-conflict reconstruction and export promotion. Secondly, a significant contribution has been made by extending the Decision Support Model with a 5thfilter that also considers the supply side in the model. Finally, it has formulated an export promotion strategy, which can be applied by policy makers in Zimbabwe. / Thesis (PhD (Economics))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

This thesis examines the relationship between truth, justice, and reconciliation by comparing the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the Rwandan Gacaca Court System. / Graduate

The results of three studies are discussed in this thesis. In the first study, possible relationships between jealousy, aggression, sexual desire and post-conflict sex were investigated in a sample of 128 students and professionals from the East Midlands area. A model was proposed which predicted that jealousy will affect aggression; aggression will affect sexual desire and sexual desire will affect the possibility of post-conflict sex. Correlational analysis revealed that jealousy was significantly correlated to aggression and sexual desire; also, a strong significant relationship was found between aggression and post-conflict sex. Correlations were also discovered between aggression and sexual desire and between sexual desire and post-conflict sex. Further analysis using Structural Equation Modelling tested and supported a model which showed that jealousy influenced aggression and sexual desire, which in turn may influence post-conflict sex. The second study explored partners' possible conciliatory acts in post-conflict situations. The aim was to gain insight in the peace-making process and identify the ways in which . partners attempt to reach closure over an argument and return to how they were before the argument occurred. Interviews with 13 males and females were conducted. The interviews were transcribed and analysed using Thematic Networks Analysis. The results revealed that participants reached 'Perceived Closure' through four possible pathways a) Avoiding further conflict, b) Gaining control of the situation, c) Providing/receiving assurances, and d) Achieving normality. The exact processes involved in these pathways were found to be defined by clusters of basic themes. The themes that emerged showed that participants used affection, sex, distancing, apology and humour in order to return to normality and reach closure. This process was shown to be gradual as participants reported adopting a step-by-step approach that involves trying to gain control of their feelings and the situation, avoiding further arguments, reinstating feelings of security and safety and attempting to reinstate a sense of normality. The third study was designed to explore post-conflict conciliatory acts and investigate possible correlations with relationship satisfaction and positive and negative conflict outcomes patterns. The sample consisted of 139 partiCipants from the East Midlands area. The main findings were that participants who adopt constructive conflict styles (as shown from positive conflict outcomes) tend experience higher relationship satisfaction. Use of post-conflict conciliatory strategies was also predictive of higher relationship satisfaction.

Little is known about the effects of transitional justice on the development of the rule of law in post-conflict states. There are assumptions in the literature that the prosecution of those responsible for human rights violations or convening a truth commission will help improve the rule of law. Using a mixed-method approach, which combined statistical analysis with in-country fieldwork, this investigation found that the impact of transitional justice, particularly trials, on the development of the rule of law is minimal and not automatic. In each of the four states examined, Colombia, Peru, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, meaningful effects from transitional justice were blocked by powerful post-conflict inhibiters, including a lack of state capacity, ethnicity and corruption. These findings indicate that prior assumptions about the relationship between transitional justice and the rule of law are overstated, and they point to the need for policymakers to simultaneously address these and other inhibiters while implementing transitional mechanisms.