Power-sharing is introduced in ethnic-divided and ethnic-polarised countries with the aim to prevent and/or end conflicts. The purpose is to include different groups in power-sharing positions. This paper has focused on two of most used power-sharing theories, Centripetalism and Consociationalism, and conducted two case studies in Bosnia and Hercegovina and Nigeria who both have implemented one of these power-sharing arrangements. While previous research has focused on whether power-sharing institutions are effective when wanting to meddle peace, we found that there was absence of research and understanding in who is allowed in the power-sharing and which groups are excluded from power-sharing. From the previous research we found that there is an underlying idea that the people included in power-sharing are the majorities within the context, which we found problematic. We used data from the first and the latest election of each country, as well as political manifestos from the most popular political parties, and public documents to understand if there is a correlation between power-sharing arrangements and the inclusion or exclusion of minorities. The method used to analyse the empirics was the Critical Discourse Analysis which is used when wanting to analyse social power in terms of control. The result showed that there has been a positive change over the past years where the discourse of including minorities in power-sharing is more common today than during the first election. Although there were some positive results, we also found that this discussion is more theoretical than practical and if this was to become reality, there could be a backlash on the peace. Although these power-sharing arrangements have been used for over two decades in both of the countries, both of the studied countries have discriminatory constitutions, where some groups are favoured in the society.

I have been puzzled over understanding the relationship between political institutional arrangements, ethnically divided societies, and conflict for some time. I have also wondered about the relationship between the characteristics of power-sharing political institutions, ethnicity, transborder ethnic kin (TEK), and ethnic conflict, i.e., why countries such as Lebanon, Iraq, Turkey, Cyprus, Ethiopia, Sudan, Libya, the former Soviet countries, and other nations experience civil conflict and unstable political systems while others do not. It has always fascinated me how specific power-sharing arrangements can sometimes bring peace and stability, but in other cases do not. For example, the minority ethnic Russians in Ukraine engaged in ethnic conflict and secessionism, and this process appears to have been affected by the presence of a TEK state (Russia). At the same time, ethnically, Russian groups in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which also share the same TEK state have not engaged in secession. The Kurds in Turkey, Iraq, Syria, and Iran, Albanians in the former Yugoslavia, and Armenians in Azerbaijan are involved in significant fighting with active support from their TEK groups. What explains these variations in ethnic civil conflict among these groups, and under what conditions are groups with TEK more likely to experience ethnic conflict?

The focus of this study is on South Africa's transition to democracy. It is argued in this thesis, that an analysis of the transition to democracy in South Africa and the transformation of the con ict that prevailed in this divided society could generate new avenues for theorising about transitions to democracy in divided societies amidst con ict. The aim with this thesis is to contribute towards a more comprehensive understanding of the complex nature of the process of transition to democracy, and the relevant theory involved, particularly with regard to transitions in divided societies. One consequence of the deep divisions within South African society has been the increase in violence, which followed liberalisation. The transition to democracy in South Africa, as a result, was characterised by continuing and escalating violence. In South Africa, the authoritarian regime deteriorated mainly because of internal factors, but external factors also played an important role. The analysis of the transition has been guided by the hypothesis that the democratisation of South Africa was accomplished through a compromise that was negotiated between the major political actors and which re ected the intra-, as well as the inter-dynamics in the domains of, state - political society - civil society. Thus, the main theme of this thesis is, that in the analysis of the dynamics of the tran- sition to democracy in South Africa, a basic framework in which the domains of, state - political society - civil society, are the domains where structural variables (such as culture, economic development, class structures, increased education and the international environ- ment) and behavioural variables (such as major political actors, elite factions, organisations from civil society) interact. Thus, in the diachronic analysis of South Africa's transition, an interactive approach, that seeks to relate structural constraints to the shaping of contingent choice, is followed. At the same time, the institutional substitution of a new democratic political dispensation is examined. In conclusion, democracies are complex phenomena, and they are caused by many di er- ent forces and synthesizing the relevant theoretical approaches to political change provides a more cogent and comprehensive explanation of democratic transition in South Africa. / (D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

Depuis les années 1990, le partage du pouvoir est l’option favorisée pour la consolidation de la paix dans les sociétés multi-ethniques. Or, une importante littérature a remis en cause sa capacité à consolider la paix sur le long terme. Ce mémoire questionne l’approche de l’ethnicité, des institutions et des relations peuple-élites dans la théorie du partage du pouvoir. Il propose de la réapprocher en se basant sur la théorie constructiviste de l’ethnicité, qui reconnaît la multiplicité et la relative fluidité des identités ethniques, sur une approche néo-institutionnaliste, qui étudie les interactions des institutions avec leur environnement, et en accordant une attention particulière au lien entre peuple et élites. Ce mémoire développe trois arguments principaux. 1–La politisation du clivage ethnique nuit au bon fonctionnement d’un système démocratique, menace la durabilité de la paix et transforme la nature de la violence. Le « succès » du partage du pouvoir peut donc être défini comme la dépolitisation de ce clivage. 2–La politisation du clivage ethnique n’est pas naturelle, mais résulte d’un processus dans lequel les institutions formelles et informelles ainsi que la violence jouent des rôles clés. 3–La dépolitisation du clivage ethnique est possible si des garanties pour représentation politique et la sécurité des catégories ethniques sont mises en place, et si des incitatifs pour la mobilisation d’identités non-ethniques sont apportés. Ces principes peuvent guider l’élaboration d’accords de partage du pouvoir. Ce mémoire théorique est complémenté par une étude de plausibilité qui se focalise sur le cas crucial du Burundi. / Since the 1990s, power-sharing has become the favoured option for peacebuilding in multi-ethnic societies. An important literature has however shed light on the limits of this approach and put into question its capacity to establish sustainable peace. This thesis questions three elements of powersharing theory: its approach of ethnicity, institutions and its elite-bias. It proposes to approach power-sharing theory through the lenses of a constructivist theory of ethnicity, which acknowledges the multiplicity and limited fluidity of ethnic identities; a neo-institutionalist approach of institutions, which pays attention to the interaction of institutions with their environment; and in paying attention to citizen-elite linkages. Three main arguments are developed: 1-The politicization of the ethnic cleavage is problematic since it hinders the good functioning of a democratic system, threaten the sustainability of peace, and transform the nature of violence. “Success” of power-sharing is thus defined as the depoliticization of ethnicity. 2-The politicization of ethnicity is not natural but results from a process in which formal and informal institutions as well as violence pay a key-role. 3-The depoliticization of the ethnic cleavage is, at least theoretically, possible if sufficient guarantees for the political representation and the security of the groups are established, and incentives are provided for the mobilization of non-ethnic identities. These principles may guide the design of power-sharing systems. This “theory proposing” thesis is complemented by a plausibility probe which focuses on the crucial case of Burundi.

The focus of this study is on South Africa's transition to democracy. It is argued in this thesis, that an analysis of the transition to democracy in South Africa and the transformation of the con ict that prevailed in this divided society could generate new avenues for theorising about transitions to democracy in divided societies amidst con ict. The aim with this thesis is to contribute towards a more comprehensive understanding of the complex nature of the process of transition to democracy, and the relevant theory involved, particularly with regard to transitions in divided societies. One consequence of the deep divisions within South African society has been the increase in violence, which followed liberalisation. The transition to democracy in South Africa, as a result, was characterised by continuing and escalating violence. In South Africa, the authoritarian regime deteriorated mainly because of internal factors, but external factors also played an important role. The analysis of the transition has been guided by the hypothesis that the democratisation of South Africa was accomplished through a compromise that was negotiated between the major political actors and which re ected the intra-, as well as the inter-dynamics in the domains of, state - political society - civil society. Thus, the main theme of this thesis is, that in the analysis of the dynamics of the tran- sition to democracy in South Africa, a basic framework in which the domains of, state - political society - civil society, are the domains where structural variables (such as culture, economic development, class structures, increased education and the international environ- ment) and behavioural variables (such as major political actors, elite factions, organisations from civil society) interact. Thus, in the diachronic analysis of South Africa's transition, an interactive approach, that seeks to relate structural constraints to the shaping of contingent choice, is followed. At the same time, the institutional substitution of a new democratic political dispensation is examined. In conclusion, democracies are complex phenomena, and they are caused by many di er- ent forces and synthesizing the relevant theoretical approaches to political change provides a more cogent and comprehensive explanation of democratic transition in South Africa. / (D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics))

本文旨在探討透過權力分享式民主與審議式民主的取徑，來緩解當前台灣民主困境的可行性。 首先，本文討論了當前台灣民主困境的成因，以及藍綠雙方的根本差異。同時指出，台灣當前的民主困境可被視為一種極度分裂社會的狀態來理解，並將台灣民主困境的關鍵難題，定位在認同差異與政治不信任。 其次，本文從既有的權力分享式民主的文獻中，梳理出有助於解決當前台灣民主困境的「規範性概念」與「經驗性證據」；做為權力分享式民主對當前台灣民主困境的回應。經過分析後發現，利用協合式民主去處理當前台灣民主困境，應是個值得嘗試的方向。若將協合式民主中菁英間的決策模式，改由審議取代議價，則此種修正型的協合式民主可為長期解決族群衝突提供更多的可能性。 繼之，本文從既有的審議式民主的文獻中，梳理出有助於解決當前台灣民主困境的「規範性理念」與「經驗性證據」，作為審議式民主對於當前台灣民主困境的回應。經過分析後發現，理論上，審議式民主的理想審議是可以解決當前台灣民主困境，只不過理想言說情境在現實生活中很難達成。但是這並不排除理想言說情境是可以近似達成的。不過文獻中迄今仍無經驗證據顯示，單獨利用審議式民主可以解決在極度分裂社會中的國家認同問題。為了讓對立雙方願意自由參加對話、願意相互尊重，以及願意理性溝通，必須提供誘因，而權力分享就是一種誘因。此外，為了判斷對話或審議環境是否接近理想言說情境，必須要有量化的測量工具，而話語品質指數(DQI)就是一種工具。因此，權力分享與DQI，就是強化審議式民主的兩種有效工具。 面對當前台灣民主困境，本文最後提出了一個結合協合式民主與審議式民主(即修正型的協合式民主)的現階段策略的建議。 / This thesis explores the feasibility of mitigating ethnic conflict of current Taiwan employing the methods of power-sharing democracy and deliberative democracy. First of all, the causes and the key difficult problems of democratic predicament, and the dispute in national identity between the pan-blue and pan-green camps, as those currently exist in Taiwan, are discussed in greater detail. The key difficult problems appear to be conflict in identities and political distrust. Next, based on the existing literature of power-sharing democracy, this thesis identifies the normative ideas and empirical evidences that are relevant to the settlement of democratic predicament of current Taiwan. After an in depth analysis, it concludes that the use of consociational approach to manage democratic predicament of current Taiwan should be the direction worth trying. The so-called modified consociational democracy, which is formed to meet the deliberative requirements of publicity and reciprocity, by replacing consociational decision making with deliberation, may provide more possibility for longer-term goal of ethnic conflict resolution. Likewise, based on the existing literature of deliberative democracy, this thesis identifies the normative ideas and empirical evidences that are relevant to the settlement of democratic predicament of current Taiwan. After an in depth analysis, it concludes that, theoretically, the use of ideal deliberation approach appears capable of dealing with the democratic predicament of current Taiwan. Although it is not possible to create Habermas’s ideal speech situation on a precise level, it is possible to achieve ISS approximately. However, there did not exist any empirical evidence in the literature to demonstrate that the application of deliberative democracy alone may provide conflict resolution of the national identity problem in deeply divided societies. In order to let both sides of the conflicting groups be willing to participate freely in the dialogue, be willing to respect one another, and be willing to communicate rationally, it is necessarily to provide both sides with power-sharing incentives tailored to make both sides feel absolutely secure. In addition, in order to evaluate how close the dialogue or deliberative approaches the conditions of ideal speech situation, it is necessarily to have a quantitative measuring instrument at our disposal and the discourse quality index (DQI) is such an instrument. Therefore, power-sharing and DQI tend to form two effective tools for strengthening the deliberative democracy. Finally, this thesis proposes the modified consociational democracy as the present stage strategy for the resolution of democratic predicament of current Taiwan.

In a democratic South Africa, a variety of factors are necessary to ensure effective school governance and management. One of these factors is shared decision-making (SDM). SDM is a process of making decisions in a collaborative manner at the school level. Those responsible for implementing a decision must be actively and legitimately involved in making the decision. In South African schools today, SDM is no longer an option. The new framework of SDM is embedded in the South African Schools Act (Act 84 of 1996). According to the Act, parents, learners and teachers should be given the opportunity of participating in decisions on educational matters. In this study, the researcher set out to investigate and explore effective decision-making of secondary school principals in the Thabo Mofutsanayana Education District (THMOED) of the Free State Province. In an endeavour to realize that end, an open-ended questionnaire, individual and focus group interviews were used to collect data. The main aim was to find out how teachers, learners, parents and principals experienced decision-making in their schools. The main findings of this research were that, decisions-making practices in the secondary schools in the THMOED still adhered to pre-democratic formal lines of authority. In other words, the locus of control and decision-making powers resided mainly with the principals, with minimum participation of other stakeholders. Consequently, there were dissatisfactions and concerns raised by the participants. The concerns were directed at the management and included lack of communication, lack of transparency, unacceptable disciplinary procedures, autocratic leadership styles and centralized decision-making. According to the findings, it would appear that democratic models of governance were insufficiently used or overlooked by the principals. Concerns raised by the respondents were a clear indication that much needed to be done to change the mind-set of the principals. / Educational Studies / D.Ed (Education Management)

論文摘要 賦能雖是九○年代才興起的管理概念，但卻已造成了組織與管理學者們的研究熱潮。有關賦能的定義，由於學者研究的旨趣各異以致眾說紛紜，然其精義則在於使組織成員更具有能力與活力，而不只是授予必要的權力而已。筆者認為，賦能乃是指創造一個環境，在此環境中組織各階層的員工在其責任範圍內對品質的標準、服務，以及機關的效能等方面具有實質的影響力；再者，每一個人都具有無限之潛力且是樂於工作的，祇要能適當的激發其內在的動機和鼓勵其應用所具備的豐富知識，並授與其在責任範圍內對所擔任之職務有實質的權力，則其潛能將發揮得淋漓盡致，並能擔當重責大任。由於賦能與授權間之被誤解與濫用，使得此兩者的定義早已晦澀不明。實則賦能與授權還是有所區別的，首先賦能的權力是來自於個人本身，權力的增加是透過學習而得來，組織中的權力關係是非零和的；而授權的權力是來自於組織中的職位，權力的增加是來自於層級節制的關係，組織中的權力關係是零和的。賦能所增加的是員工的能力與創造力；授權所增加的是成員的控制幅度。賦能是內在的，係釋放原先屬於個人的權力，此種權力是不能被剝奪也不是從外面賦予增加的；授權則 是外在的。此外，賦能使得員工有結合新任務擴展知識與責任的能力，並非今日人們所談論的授權而已。而賦能亦使員工對工作有擁有威，工作擁有威的產生乃是因為員工經過適當的指導、鼓勵之後，使其成為負責決定政策與規劃的人員之一。因此，賦能的範圍與深度遠超過授權。 賦能的作用，是希望透過對組織中個人層面的賦能，增加個人的能力、活力、創造力，進而實現組織層面的高績效的追求。所以，賦能的目的在個人層面與組織層面是一體兩面的。賦能有多種模式，不論係階段抑或過程模式，吾人可知其並非像變戲法那般的簡單，在實行的過程中必須有各種主客觀因素的配合、高層管理者的大力支持、為員工提供實用的訓練讓員工有學習和成長的機會、實際的授予權力、提供員工解決問題時所需要的資源等等；且經過持續不斷的努力與進行，否則將無法克盡其功。 組織施行賦能策略時可能面臨的問題包括：(一)在一般大型組織中不易實施；(二)機關上下人員間觀點之不同；(三)從事賦能策略時所遭受到的限制，計有： 1.管理者的角色，採取賦能的管理策略，對於組織而言是一項變革，而任何一項變革的開始是要能得到管理者的支持，否則就不易成功，因而管理者在從事賦能時，必須有以下的作法：(1)管理者的承諾、奉獻與企圖；(2)管理者對部屬的信賴與信任；(3)管理者要有豐富的學識、經驗以及溝通的技巧；(4)選擇正確的領導策略及具有遠見。 2.組織的層級節制：在層級節制之下，賦能成員、鼓勵參與、擴大溝通都有其基本的限制，例如，強調服從使得由下而上的管理方式成為不可能，且與賦能的精神相違背。而在另外一方面，造成成員以遵守法規、服從上級為主要目標，不但不能增進個人的創造力，同時亦不易達成組織的目標，形成所謂的「目標置換」的弊病。 3.組織既有的程序、政策、與規則：組織既有的法規，會造成在變革上的阻礙，以遵守現有的程序、法規為目的，而忽略變革的目的，即是在手段目的的連鎖上，只重「工具理性」而忽略「實質理性」。 4.其他的限制：諸如，(1)組織文化的配合程度；(2)實施賦能之後，人人參與，人人平等，外人不易瞭解職位的高低及工作範圍；因此，機關首長害怕採用賦能；(3)實施賦能之後，組織所強調的「創業家精神」，未必能適用於每個人身上。(4)實施賦能時，機關投資在人員的甄選與訓練上的成本較高。 組織施行賦能管理策略問題的解決之道，一般而言，可分為：(一)對員工賦能的策略，分為1.讓員工參與組織不斷改進的計畫與策略；2.訓練員工具備解決問題與決策的能力；3.明定參與感及賦能的提昇為組織的任務；4.建立組織及員工的目標；5.為員工設立一套以顧客為導向的績效評量指標；6.提高每位成員的參與威及加強其能力。(二)創造一個賦能的組織，有下列原則可遵循：1.職位設計要能提供員工「自主權」和「責任感」、「多樣化」、以及同時具有挑戰性；2.形成自我導向的工作團隊；3.提供員工必要的技能訓練；4.提供員工人際關係和問題解決能力的訓練；5.從監督者的角色走到人人是領導者，並對領導者提供訓練；6.全員瞭解並接受共同的願景與價值觀，去引導決策的制定；7.人力資源體系的支援與配合;8.隨著責任感的加重逐步提高授權賦能量。(三)如何在賦能的同時避免失控，一般而言，任何機關組織可利用其組織中的下列系統來避免在賦能時可能造成的失控：1.診斷控制系統：確保重要目標有效達成；2.價值觀系統：塑造並溝通正確的價值觀；3.界限系統，建立遊戲規 則，指出員工必須避免的行為及陷阱；4.交互控制系統：讓高階主管針對策略的不確定性及競爭環境的變化，掌握威脅和機會點，做好事前的因應輿準備。上述四種系統設計的目的在使組織中的管理者能於賦能的過程中找出平衡點，以避免失控。 在組織施行賦能策略時一些原則或步驟必須遵守，方可事半功倍：1.使員工有能力(或賦能)必須藉著給予員工明確的責任來達成；2.賦能必須藉著給予員工權力來達成；3.賦能必須藉著設立優異的標準來達成；4.賦能必須藉著給予員工訓練與發展來達成；5.賦能必須藉著給予員工知識與資訊來達成；6.賦能必須藉著回饋來達成；7.賦能必須藉著對員工的承認而達成；8.賦能必須藉著信任員工來達成；9.賦能必須藉著允許員工失敗來達成；10.賦能必須藉著給予員工尊重而達成。 最後下列的許多問題，可作為後續的研究者在未來繼續從事有關賦能的研究之用，茲將其說明如下： (一)賦能在現存舊有的機關抑或新成立的機關中，較易實施成功？(二)賦能在何種型式的機關中較易實施成功？例如，公家機關、私人機構、抑或非營利機構中較易實施成功？(三)賦能在何種規模的機關中較易實施成功？例如在大型的機關(200人以上)、中型機關(200人以下50人以上)、抑或小型機關(50人以下)較易成功；(四)賦予員工能力時，使用一種抑或同時使用多種干預方法較易成功；(五)從事機關中的賦能活動，是始自於機關中的某一部門抑或整個機關較易成功；(六)從事機關中的賦能活動，是採用機關內部的諮詢專家或是外部的、抑是同時採用內外部的專家較易成功？(七)機關中的賦能活動在有工會的機關抑或無工會的機關中從事較易成功？ 第一章 緒論…………………………………………………… 1 第一節 研究動機與目的…………………………………… 1 第二節 研究方法與限制…………………………………… 5 第三節 研究範圍與章節安排及研究架構……………… 6 第二章 賦能策略之文獻探討……………………………… 10 第一節 賦能之涵義………………………………………… 10 壹 有關賦能的研究文獻…………………………… 10 貳 賦能的意義………………………………………… 17 第二節 賦能之作用……………………………………… 23 第三節 賦能與授權之區別……………………………… 28 第四節 賦能概念之發展…………………………………… 32 壹 管理思潮及管理方式之轉變…………………….. 32 貳 組織採行多樣化管理之趨勢…………………… 40 參 全面品質管理(TQM)對賦能觀念之啟發………… 44 肆 多樣化管理與全面品質管理之關係……………… 51 第五節 賦能模式之探討…………………………………… 54 第三章 賦能策略的實際作法之探討……………………… 71 第一節 從組織文化的層面而言………………………… 71 第二節 從工作團隊的層面而言………………………… 78 第三節 從組織結構的層面而言………………………… 98 第四節 從組織目標建立的層面而言…………………… 100 第五節 組織施行賦能策略的問題與解決之道………… 109 第四章 賦能策略在組織中應用之探討…………………… 120 第一節 組織施行賦能策略之理由………………………. 120 第二節 應用組織發展中之干預技術施行賦能………….. 135 第三節 組織施行賦能策略之程序………………………. 140 第四節 賦能策略與領導…………………………………… 147 壹 領導的意義………………………………………… 147 貳 領導效能…………………………………………… 149 參 領導的研究途徑…………………………………… 150 肆 賦能與權變領導的關係…………………………… 162 伍 領導者的賦能行為之六項條件…………………… 165 陸 有效領導的賦能策略…………………………… 171 第五章 結論與建議…………………………………………… 178 第一節 論文回顧與發現…………………………………… 178 第二節 實務應用與後續研究建議……………………… 193 參考書目………………………………………………………… 198 圖目次 圖1-1 本文研究架構…………………………………………… 8 圖2-1 賦予活力型的管理模式……………………………… 44 圖2-2 賦能過程的五個階段………………………………… 58 圖2-3 賦能的階段及其重要作法…………………………… 61 圖2-4 領導者在四個階段中所扮演的角色………………… 63 圖2-5 賦能之層級水準………………………………………… 65 圖2-6 賦能的過程模式………………………………………… 67 圖3-1 賦能的程度……………………………………………… 80 圖3-2 目標層級………………………………………………… 108 圖4-1 新任務的成果與結果………………………………… 124 圖4-2 組織性無力感的模式………………………………… 125 圖4-3 領導效能研究的四種途徑…………………………… 151 圖4-4 費德勒的權變領導理論………………………………… 155 圖4-5 費氏權變論中的因果關係圖…………………………… 156 圖4-6 郝賽與布蘭查的情境領導論關係圖………………… 157 圖4-7 領導的途徑-目標論中之因果關係………………… 158 圖4-8 途徑目標理論的詳細模型圖………………………… 159 圖4-9 賦能的六項條件………………………………………… 167 表目次 表2-1 組織的類型……………………………………………… 26 表2-2 高績效組織特性之研究成果彙整表………………… 28 表2-3 賦能與授權之區別……………………………………… 31 表2-4 管理方法的改變………………………………………… 33 表2-5 組織中之涉入與賦能之關係………………………… 38 表2-6 傳統組織與被賦能組織的重要不同點……………… 40 表3-1 透過四個階段整合組織文化的過程………………… 77 表3-2 文化整合的每一個階段中個體的行為及思考的差異性………………………………………………………. 77 表4-1 賦能表過程中的領導策略與成員行為反應………… 172 / Empowerment is generally defined as enabling employees in the organizations to have more capability,vitality,and creativity,rather than given them necessary authority.It is also a process of transforming individuals(that is,employees in organization) full of sense of powerlessness into persons who have much more power of self-control and sense of task ownship.This ownship derives from employees' being able to take more responsibility for doing planning and making decisions after they are properly directed and motivated (that is,empowered) .Beside,empowerment is also a key to success in the process of reinventing government.The reason is that the nations' competiveness,in large part,hinges on government employees' potential,vitality,and creativity.This three important abilities,in turn,can be enhanced by effecting the empowerment strategy. There are many distinctions between empowerment and delegation.The most significant ones follows are:1.in the case of empowerment authority comes from employee's self;increase in authority are through learning;the power relationship in organizations are non-zero-sum;empowerment adds to employee's abilities and creativity;empowerment is intrinsic which means releasing power originally belonging to individuals which is undeprivable and can not be offered added onto from outside;empowerment enables employees to take on new tasks,expand knowledge and responsibility.2.in the case of delegation authority is vested in positions;increase in authority are through scalar chain;thus the power relationship is zero-sum;delegation add to employee's span of controll;delegation is extrinsic,which means power is rendered from outside. According the author some principles or guidelines should be followed when empowerment strategies are to be implemented in organizations they are:1.Power through responsibility.2.Power through authority.3.Power through standards of excellence.4.Power through trainning and development.5.Power through knowledge and information.6.Power through feedback.7.Power through recognition.8.Power through Trust.9.Power through permission to fail.10.Power through respect.

Il tribalismo costituisce una caratteristica intrinseca delle società mediorientali, concorrendo insieme a cultura araba e religione islamica a comporne l’identità. In Iraq, da sempre, il tribalismo ha costituito sia una struttura organizzativa ed una modalità di relazione sociale, che una dinamica di potere. Durante il Mandato britannico e la monarchia, la manipolazione politica di cultura e strutture tribali ha rafforzato la legittimazione del governo; nella fase repubblicana, con l’emergere delle forze armate quale principale attore politico e l’impatto con la modernità, il tribalismo si è trasformato pur rimanendo radicato nella società. Nella fase iniziale del regime ba’thista, la cultura tribale è stata combattuta essendo considerata un retaggio arcaico. Senonchè, con le difficoltà legate alla guerra con l’Iran, l’invasione del Kuwait e il successivo embargo, il regime di Saddam Hussein sfruttò proprio il tribalismo sia come dinamica di presa e controllo del potere che come collante propagandistico e sociale. Nel vuoto politico seguito al crollo del regime, le tribù riemersero come “campo di battaglia” tra insurgency e forze della Coalizione. Con il Surge americano e la nascita della Sahwa quale reazione allo stragismo jihadista, le tribù hanno impresso una svolta che ha salvato il paese dalla guerra settaria. Anche al Maliki ha saputo abilmente avvantaggiarsi del fenomeno tribale. Oggi le tribù continuano a rappresentare sia una constituency imprescindibile per ogni partito politico, che una diversificata e trasversale forza politica attiva. / Tribalism is an intrinsic character of Middle Eastern’s societies, as it contributes, together with Arab culture and Islamic religion, to shape their identity. In Iraq, since ever, tribalism constituted an organizational structure and a pattern of social relations, as well as dynamic of power’s exercise. Under the British Mandate and the Monarchy, politic manipulation of tribal’s culture and structures strengthened government’s legitimation; during the Republican period, as the Army emerged as main political driver and the influence of Modernity, tribalism transformed itself even if its presence into the society was still very strong. In the initial phase of Ba’thist’s regime, tribal culture was opposed, since it was considered as an obsolete heritage. But, facing the difficulties stemming from the war with Iran, the invasion of Kuwait and the embargo, the regime of Saddam Hussein exploited tribalism as a dynamic of power’s control, as well as propaganda and social bond. In the political void ensuing to the collapse of the regime, the tribes surfaced as “battlefield” between insurgency and Coalition’s Forces. American Surge and the tribes’ intervention in the Sahwa, as a reaction to jihadist’s bloodbath, avoided a sectarian civil war. Also al Maliki was able to exploit the tribal system. Nowadays, tribes are still an invaluable constituency for every political party, as well as diversified and a cross-parties political force.

In a democratic South Africa, a variety of factors are necessary to ensure effective school governance and management. One of these factors is shared decision-making (SDM). SDM is a process of making decisions in a collaborative manner at the school level. Those responsible for implementing a decision must be actively and legitimately involved in making the decision. In South African schools today, SDM is no longer an option. The new framework of SDM is embedded in the South African Schools Act (Act 84 of 1996). According to the Act, parents, learners and teachers should be given the opportunity of participating in decisions on educational matters. In this study, the researcher set out to investigate and explore effective decision-making of secondary school principals in the Thabo Mofutsanayana Education District (THMOED) of the Free State Province. In an endeavour to realize that end, an open-ended questionnaire, individual and focus group interviews were used to collect data. The main aim was to find out how teachers, learners, parents and principals experienced decision-making in their schools. The main findings of this research were that, decisions-making practices in the secondary schools in the THMOED still adhered to pre-democratic formal lines of authority. In other words, the locus of control and decision-making powers resided mainly with the principals, with minimum participation of other stakeholders. Consequently, there were dissatisfactions and concerns raised by the participants. The concerns were directed at the management and included lack of communication, lack of transparency, unacceptable disciplinary procedures, autocratic leadership styles and centralized decision-making. According to the findings, it would appear that democratic models of governance were insufficiently used or overlooked by the principals. Concerns raised by the respondents were a clear indication that much needed to be done to change the mind-set of the principals. / Educational Studies / D.Ed (Education Management)