The Tibetan literary corpus offers a wide array of (auto)biographical accounts; Tibetans have been recollecting - and narrating - life stories in earnest since the "later diffusion" (Tib. phyi dar) of Buddhism in the 11^th century. The hybrid essence of life writing, suspended between fact and fiction, finds a perfect expression in the text at the core of the present dissertation, i.e. the journal (Tib. nyin deb) of a 20th century Khams pa trader, Kha stag 'Dzam yag. The text records the events, travels, and impressions experienced by the author between 1944 and 1956; structured like a diary, this autodiegetic text, originally written in a scroll-paper format, was later edited and finally published in India in 1997. Two different heuristic devices, i.e. narratology and socio-economic analysis, are used in the present dissertation to analyse the structure and content of the nyin deb, as well as the author's idiosyncrasies emerging from the process of narrativisation. Whereas the narratological approach allows the identification of the interplay of memory, self, and culture in the socio-historical context of mid-20th century Tibet, the socio-economic analysis reflects on the nyin deb as a form of social history rather than personal narrative. The identification of "true", historical facts confirms the author's claims to factuality, thus providing unique information and insight regarding the political and economic role of Khams pa traders in 1940s-1950s Tibet, as well as the development of new pilgrimage rituals and the emergence of forms of "spiritual tourism" in modern India.

Ce travail consiste en l'analyse des trois traductions en breton du texte de François de Sales publié en 1609 : L’introduction à la vie dévote. La première traduction fut l’oeuvre de Charles Le Bris au début du XVIIIème siècle durant la période dite dubreton pré-moderne. Les deux traductions suivantes furent écrites dans un breton du domaine du sud-est, le standard de Vannes, par Jean Marion à la fin du XVIIIème siècle, puis par Sylvestre Sévéno au début du XXème. L’analyse de ces textes abordera dans un premier temps les aspects traductologiques : les différents auteurs bretonnants face aux choix linguistiques qu’implique la traduction, les rapports qu’ont eus ces derniers entre eux vis-à-vis du texte source ou encore de la réception du texte. Progressivement, la morphologie et la syntaxe des traductions seront analysées pour mettre en évidence la variabilité ou bien les correspondances entre traducteurs bretonnants. / This work is an analysis of three translations in Breton of the text of François de Sales published in 1609:L’introduction à la vie dévote. The first translation was made by Charles Le Bris during the Breton's pre-modern period in the beginning of the 18th century in the north-west dialect.The two other translations both originate from the south-east of the area where Breton was spoken and written in the Vannes standard. One was written by Jean Marion in the end of the 18th century and the other by Sylvestre Sévéno in thebeginning of the 20th century. The study of those texts is, in a first section, founded on traductological purposes: how did the different authors play their roles of translators; what are the links between the different authors and the original; how did they account for the expectations of their future audience. Progressively, this analysis focuses on a syntactic and morphological approach and identifies some language variations between the authors.

The thesis is set against the backdrop of literary Chinese as the cosmopolitan written language across East Asia and examines two contemporary literary Chinese writers in the ninth century: Ch'oe Ch'iwǒn from Silla Korea and Sugawara no Michizane from Heian Japan. Though composition in Chinese characters on the peninsula and the archipelago was ancient, a high-water mark within this community appeared in the ninth century. At that time, literary Chinese was embraced by mainstream literati as the medium for poetry and prose, and competent composition in this international written language came to have political as well as cultural significance. The importance of Ch'oe Ch'iwǒn and Sugawara no Michizane as the great masters of Chinese letters in Korea and Japan derives in part from their talents and in part from the social and political acceptance of Chinese. This comparative research primarily draws inspiration from Sheldon Pollock's comparison of the Sanskrit cosmopolis and the Latin cosmopolis. Pollock describes the Latin cosmopolis as coercive and the Sanskrit cosmopolis as voluntaristic. I argue that the history of literary Chinese in East Asia provides a third cosmo-political model for the history of interactions among language, literature, and cultural and military power. The literary Chinese cosmopolis can be characterized not as coercive or voluntaristic but as hegemonic. I compare Ch'oe Ch'iwǒn and Sugawara no Michizane for their cosmopolitan identities, transnational experiences, and diglossic worlds. Though there is debate over the appropriateness of the terms "diglossia," "Chinese cosmopolis," and "Sinographic cosmopolis" to describe the world in which Ch'oe and Michizane lived, I argue in favor of "literary Chinese cosmopolis," because I pay attention to the common grammar, syntax, and other linguistic features one must bear in mind when composing in literary Chinese (as opposed to reading). Localism produced vernaculars, but the unity of the community was based on composition in a cosmopolitan language. That cosmopolitan language was literary Chinese, a hyperglossic language, a language that allowed universal communication in East Asia. Intersecting with various disciplines and bringing several critical fields into conversation, this work contests and refreshes a series of key issues at the heart of discussions on globalization, namely the intrinsic relationship between language and power. How does cultural power emerge from language? How does writing in a "foreign" script articulate ethnic, local identities? As a meditation on language politics, ethics, and the historical situation of an earlier cosmopolitan ecumene (ninth century CE), this work will, I hope, offer insights into the specificities and mechanisms of a past cosmopolitan era in East Asia, even as it establishes a broader historical and ethical context for contemporary debates on globalization.

The nature of tense in classical Japanese is vague and uncertain, sometimes appearing to be interpretable by combinations of particular verbs with specific verbal auxiliaries and sometimes appearing to be absent altogether. The present study introduces a series of these so-called tense-bearing auxiliaries in classical Japanese while attempting to show that their use can be ambiguous based on the contexts in which they appear. The notions of context driven semantic formalism are explored as a possible means to derive truth from these utterances that seem otherwise tenseless when taken out of context. To accomplish this, time and tense are given very specific meaning and definition and thereafter explored in the context of both modern and classical Japanese.

This thesis will consider the question of the intended audience of Jippensha Ikku’s十返舎一九, ōraimono (educational book) Togakushi Zenkō-ji ōrai 戸隠善光寺往来(1822) as preface to an annotated translation completed using free online xylographic editions. Published in the midst of rising literacy rates and a boom in religious pilgrimages, this work would have been popular among women of the late Edo era. Analysis of the ōraimono genre will reveal that this work, was intended as a practical guidebook for Zenkō-ji pilgrimages rather than for use as a classroom textbook. An experienced traveler guides a dutiful son and mother from Edo (Tōkyō) along the Nakasendō and Hokkoku Kaidō roads to Zenkō-ji Temple and Togakushi Shrine in Shinano Province (Nagano). The mother character in Togakushi Zenkō-ji ōrai, though not the direct recipient of the expert traveler’s knowlege, will be revealed as a sort of hidden protagonist central to the entire narrative. Lastly, I will attempt to settle disputed publishing information, arguing that Nishimiya Shinroku 西宮新六was the first publisher and Moriya Jihei 森屋治兵衛printed subsequent editions. Serious in tone, this work demonstrates Ikku’s versatility as a departure from his famous slapstick travelogue, Tōkaidōchū Hizakurige (Shank’s Mare).

No description available.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:23:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Camila Soares de Oliveira.pdf: 630518 bytes, checksum: 6308db82b39fdd468e4951f89ad3e90b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-08 / This research is about what have the architect Gregori Warchavchik realized, verifying his writings in comparison to his constructions, as a reference for the antecedents of modern architecture in Brazil. The period to be studied is from 1925 to 1931, when the most significant houses were projected, manifest-houses , which were part of the important beginning period of architectural transformation. All of them in São Paulo, before the construction of Ministério da Educação (1936), known as the initial mark of the Brazilian modern architecture. Manifest-houses is defined as Warchavchik s constructions presented to the public with the intension of clarifying his ideals that were the same of Le Corbusier, until then unknown in national territory. The buildings are showed as the expression of theoretical ideals, applying his thoughts in a concrete way. This term was taken from a publishing from Architecture Superior School of Vallès (1996), written by Iñaki Alday, that define manifesthouse as the limit of the possibilities of personal experience, the houses that become built manifests from a theoretical or professional determined position and they are fundamental discourse on the proclamation of distinct architectural point of view. The reserch proposes a compilation and analysis of the one-family houses projected by the architect, approaching his conception and construction and the existent relation to his speech concepts, ideas and values. Houses to be studied: 1928: Casa da rua Santa Cruz SP; 1929: Casa da rua Melo Alves SP, 1930: Casa da rua Itápolis SP; 1930: Casa da rua Bahia SP; 1931: Casa da rua Estados Unidos SP. Writings to be analysed: Acerca da arquitetura moderna , originally published in italian, named Futurismo? , in the paper Il Picollo (São Paulo, 14th of june 1925; Arquitetura brasileira [interview], originally published in Terra Roxa e Outras Terras (São Paulo, 17th of setember 1926); Decadência e renascimento da arquitetura , originally published in Correio Paulistano (São Paulo, 5th of august 1928); Arquitetura nova , originally published in Diário da Noite (São Paulo, 20th of december 1928); A arquitetura atual na América do Sul , originally published in Cahiers d Art (Paris, n. 2, 1931). / Este trabalho trata de conferir a obra em relação ao discurso de Gregori Warchavchik, como referência para os antecedentes da arquitetura moderna no Brasil. O período a ser estudado é de 1925 a 1931, quando foram projetadas as casas mais significativas, casas-manifesto , que fizeram parte do início de importante transformação arquitetônica. Todas elas em São Paulo, antes da construção do Ministério da Educação (1936), conhecido como omarco inicial da arquitetura moderna brasileira. Entende-se por casas-manifesto , as obras de Warchavchik apresentadas para o público com a intenção de esclarecer os seus ideais, que eram os mesmos de Le Corbusier, até então desconhecidos em território nacional. As construções aparecem como expressão dos pressupostos teóricos, colocando em prática o seu pensamento de maneira concreta. Esse termo foi retirado de uma publicação da Escola Técnica Superior de Arquitetura de Vallès (1996), de Iñaki Alday, que define casa-manifesto como o limite das possibilidades de experimentação pessoal, as casas que se convertem em manifestos construídos a partir de uma determinada posição teórica ou profissional e são discursos fundamentais na proclamação de distintas posturas arquitetônicas. O trabalho propõe uma recopilação e análise da produção de obras residenciais unifamiliares do arquiteto, abordando sua concepção e construção e a relação com seu discurso conceitos, idéias, valores. As casas a serem estudadas são: 1928: Casa da rua Santa Cruz SP; 1929: Casa da rua Melo Alves SP; 1930: Casa da rua Itápolis SP; 1930: Casa da rua Bahia SP; 1931: Casa da rua Estados Unidos SP. Os textos a serem analisados: Acerca da arquitetura moderna , publicado originalmente em italiano, com o título Futurismo? , no jornal Il Picollo (São Paulo, 14 de junho de 1925; Arquitetura brasileira (entrevista), publicado originalmente em Terra Roxa e Outras Terras (São Paulo, 17 de setembro de 1926); Decadência e renascimento da arquitetura , publicado originalmente no Correio Paulistano (São Paulo, 05 de agosto de 1928); Arquitetura nova , publicado originalmente no Diário da Noite (São Paulo, 20 de dezembro de 1928); A arquitetura atual na América do Sul , publicado originalmente em Cahiers d Art (Paris, n. 2, 1931). arquitetura Moderna, Arquitetura Brasileira, Modernismo, Arquitetura pré-moderna, Gregori Warchavchik.

This paper applies a hermeneutic approach to analyze, and a comparative approach to examine, Bai Juyi’s poems referenced in Tale of Genji by Murasaki Shikibu, Pillow Book by Sei Shōnagon, Tongguk Yi Sang-guk Chip by Yi Kyu-bo and Kyewŏn Pilgyŏngjip by Ch’oe Ch’i-wŏn. Through exploring Bai’s poetry in these texts, the author discovers how Murasaki, Sei, Ch’oe, and Yi contributed to transculturuation in Korea and Japan. Furthermore, the transculturation demonstrated by these literati shows a diversity of patterns: cultural mobilization from west to east; the emergence of overlapping histories in different eras and locations; a disappeared culture, recovered through being transmitted to other regions; cultural transplantation or transformation resulting from cultural contacts; and cultural products helped to stimulate economic growth. Subsequently, Bai Juyi’s works stand as a testament to the power of great poetry to improve and enhance cultures across a broad span of time and space.

This paper applies a hermeneutic approach to analyze, and a comparative approach to examine, Bai Juyi’s poems referenced in Tale of Genji by Murasaki Shikibu, Pillow Book by Sei Shōnagon, Tongguk Yi Sang-guk Chip by Yi Kyu-bo and Kyewŏn Pilgyŏngjip by Ch’oe Ch’i-wŏn. Through exploring Bai’s poetry in these texts, the author discovers how Murasaki, Sei, Ch’oe, and Yi contributed to transculturuation in Korea and Japan. Furthermore, the transculturation demonstrated by these literati shows a diversity of patterns: cultural mobilization from west to east; the emergence of overlapping histories in different eras and locations; a disappeared culture, recovered through being transmitted to other regions; cultural transplantation or transformation resulting from cultural contacts; and cultural products helped to stimulate economic growth. Subsequently, Bai Juyi’s works stand as a testament to the power of great poetry to improve and enhance cultures across a broad span of time and space.

Cette étude se propose de répondre à la problématique liée à la généricité d’un corpus de maqāmāt de type munāẓarāt paysagères composées au Yémen à l’époque postclassique. L’appellation maqāma devient, en effet, de plus en plus englobante au point de s’étendre à la munāẓara, ce qui nous permet de parler d’une évolution générique par régime de transformation. L’analyse de ces œuvres permet aussi de montrer comment ces textes revendiquent une appartenance et un rattachement à la notion d’adab, point essentiel pour la compréhension générique de ces œuvres. Cette étude se propose d’analyser également les représentations paysagères qui sont au cœur de ces munāẓarāt. Elle aborde les éléments constitutifs du paysage en tenant compte de l’organisation de ces représentations sur l’axe vertical et l’axe horizontal, mais aussi en fonction de différents sens sollicités : la vue, l’odorat et l’ouïe. Tous ces éléments nous poussent à considérer les représentations paysagères présentes dans les descriptions du Paradis coranique ainsi que dans des descriptions similaires présentes dans la poésie arabe classique. L’étude de ces corpus montre, en dernier lieu, que le but des auteurs n’est pas celui de créer des représentations bucoliques sur la description de la nature mais que derrière la simple description paysagère, ces textes sont la plupart du temps porteurs d’un message situé à un second niveau de lecture (politique, religieux, etc.). / This work aims at studying the question of the literary genre of a corpus of maqāmāt of the kind “landscape munāẓarāt” written in Yemen in the Post-Classical era. The name maqāma has become always more comprehensive until it extended to the munāẓara. Hence, we can speak of a generic evolution due to processing. The analysis of such texts allows us to show why they claim to belong to the notion of adab, which is an essential point for understanding the genre of these works. This study deals also with the landscape representations that are at the heart of these munāẓarāt. It approaches the constituent elements of the landscape according to the organisation of the representation - on the vertical or on the horizontal axis – and also through the different senses appealed to the perception: sight, smell and hearing. All these elements lead us to consider landscape representations in the Koranic description of Paradise and in other similar descriptions in Classical Arabic poems. Finally, the study of this corpus shows that the aim of the authors is not a bucolic representation of nature. Instead, behind the simple landscape description, most of texts convey a message related to politics, religion, etc. located in a second level of reading.