Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Mudanças marcantes no perfil geográfico eleitoral do Brasil, no que diz respeito às eleições para Presidente da República, aconteceram no ano de 2006. Candidatos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) que antes eram bem votados em regiões mais desenvolvidas do país, passaram a ganhar as eleições, com grande margem de preferência, nas regiões mais pobres do país. Entenda por regiões mais pobres as regiões Norte e Nordeste. Esse trabalho pretende traçar um histórico da relação eleitoral da Região Nordeste do Brasil com os candidatos do Partido dos Trabalhadores ao cargo de Presidente da República desde a redemocratização. O objetivo é entender a relação entre a opção de voto em candidatos desse partido e o desenvolvimento socioeconômico ao longo do tempo da região, levando em consideração também o programa Bolsa Família para tentar comprovar a sua racionalidade. Além disso, este trabalho faz um estudo de caso da votação da cidade de Viçosa do Ceará para exemplificar o fato de que a indução do voto para candidatos de âmbito federal por representantes locais não é mais a regra da região e sim a exceção. A investigação usa análise bibliográfica, histórica e métodos de análise estatística, principalmente, técnicas de análise espacial. / Deeply changes on the electoral geographic perfil, on the subject president Brazil elections, happened in 2006. Candidates of the Partido dos trabalhadores (PT) - Workers Party - , that until this moment used to be voted on the more developed regions of the country, passed to win the elections with a great difference on the poorest regions of Brazil. Understand as poorest regions of Brazil as Noth and Northeast. This research, intend to do a historic of the relation between the Northeast Region and the workers party candidates to the post of president since the democratization period, on the 1990. The challenge is try to understand the relation between the options of vote on candidates of this party and the socioeconomic development, over time, on the region, considering the Bolsa Família program. Beyond this challenge, this dissertation also brings the case of Viçosa do Ceará that shows that the vote in federal ambit induction by representatives of local power is not the rule any more, but de exception. This investigation uses bibliography and historical analysis and statistical methods, mainly of spatial analysis.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo fazer uma análise das coligações presidenciais vencedoras entre 1994 e 2010 comparando duas dimensões de análise: a ideologia e o pragmatismo eleitoral. A dimensão ideológica mediu a consistência das coligações. A dimensão pragmática avaliou o horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral, a representação ministerial dos partidos que compunham a coligação vencedora (excluído o partido do presidente), e a representação eleita à Câmara dos Deputados. O estudo apresentou evidências de que os partidos atribuem maior importância à dimensão pragmática do que a ideológica quando definem suas estratégias de campanha. / This work aims to make an analysis on the winning electoral presidential coalitions between 1994 and 2010, comparing two different dimensions: ideology and electoral pragmatism. The ideological dimension of the presidential coalitions was based on their consistency. The pragmatic dimension assessed the campaign time available on TV for each coalition, the distribution on the representation of the coalitions’ parties on the presidential cabinet (presidential party excluded), and the amount of representation concerning the coalitions’ parties elected on the Chamber of Deputies. The study shed light on evidences that generally the parties give more importance to pragmatic aspects than ideological ones when they define their electoral strategies.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo fazer uma análise das coligações presidenciais vencedoras entre 1994 e 2010 comparando duas dimensões de análise: a ideologia e o pragmatismo eleitoral. A dimensão ideológica mediu a consistência das coligações. A dimensão pragmática avaliou o horário gratuito de propaganda eleitoral, a representação ministerial dos partidos que compunham a coligação vencedora (excluído o partido do presidente), e a representação eleita à Câmara dos Deputados. O estudo apresentou evidências de que os partidos atribuem maior importância à dimensão pragmática do que a ideológica quando definem suas estratégias de campanha. / This work aims to make an analysis on the winning electoral presidential coalitions between 1994 and 2010, comparing two different dimensions: ideology and electoral pragmatism. The ideological dimension of the presidential coalitions was based on their consistency. The pragmatic dimension assessed the campaign time available on TV for each coalition, the distribution on the representation of the coalitions’ parties on the presidential cabinet (presidential party excluded), and the amount of representation concerning the coalitions’ parties elected on the Chamber of Deputies. The study shed light on evidences that generally the parties give more importance to pragmatic aspects than ideological ones when they define their electoral strategies.

The political marketing established in the Slovak Republic over the time and became a relevant part of the Slovak elections. Presidential elections in 2014 showed, that there is sufficiently large space for the application of political marketing. The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the election campaign of Andrej Kiska in presidential elections in 2014 in terms of usage of political marketing tools. The ambition of this work, is to show the extent and the exact form of the tools which were used in this campaign, based on the theoretical framework. Another object of this work is to describe, how was the results of presidential elections in 2014 perceived by Slovak public, how happy were the Slovak voters with the results of the elections and which arguments dominated in favor of Andrej Kiskas election.

As eleições presidenciais são a principal competição do sistema político brasileiro. Há duas proposições dominantes que perpassam as análises da literatura sobre sua natureza e dinâmica: o Programa Bolsa-Família (PBF) é considerado central e determinante para os resultados eleitorais e teria contribuído, no pleito de 2006, para conformar um realinhamento das bases eleitorais do PT, único partido competitivo em todas as eleições. O programa social é considerado fundamental para explicar a força deste partido no Nordeste e entre eleitores pobres. Nesta tese, por meio de replicação de modelos da literatura e da análise de modelos originais a partir de survey, de dados agregados ao nível municipal e ao nível das urnas, e com a aplicação de diferentes metodologias, procuro debater essas hipóteses, apontando inconsistências e deficiências teóricas, metodológicas e empíricas. Os resultados apontam para diagnósticos alternativos às teses vigentes. Primeiro, procuro argumentar que a relação entre as mudanças eleitorais de 2006 e os perfis sociais dos eleitores ocorrem de forma heterogênea pelas regiões e tipos de localidade, e que, após mensuração adequada, essas flutuações são melhor compreendidas como movimentações de eleitores voláteis, e não como realinhamento de bases eleitorais. Além disso, contrariamente às análises correntes, ressalto que a investigação sobre o efeito eleitoral do PBF não deve ser restrita aos seus beneficiários e nem se pode inferir sua importância no resultado eleitoral a partir da sua distribuição regional. Antes, as análises conduzidas nesta tese revelam que o impacto do programa social para as decisões eleitorais foi mais importante no Sudeste que no Nordeste, e não se restringe a eleitores diretamente beneficiários do programa. Por fim, mostro que, após enquadramento adequado, é possível dizer que o impacto do PBF para o resultado eleitoral não foi tão pronunciado ou determinante dos resultados eleitorais. Do ponto de vista mais geral, meu argumento ressalta que as bases eleitorais de longo-prazo dos partidos influenciam os resultados presentes, matizando a importância das mudanças ocorridas em 2006, e sublinha que o efeito do PBF, assim como de qualquer outra política pública com peso político-eleitoral, não pode ser tomado isoladamente, fora do contexto da disputa eleitoral e política. / The presidential elections are the main competition of the Brazilian political system. The current literature on the subject pointed out two thesis about the nature and dynamic of presidential elections: The Bolsa-Família (PBF) conditional cash transfer program is considered to be central and determinant to the electoral results and in 2006 would have contributed to realign the electoral bases of PT, the only party competitive in all elections. The policy is considered to be fundamental to explain the strength of the party on Northeast among poor electors. On this dissertation I examine these hypothesis and debate the theoretical, methodological and empirical inconsistences and deficiencies of the current literature. In order to do so, I replicate models, analyze novel models looking at surveys and aggregate data on the municipal level and on ballot level, among other methods. The results highlight conclusions different from the standing literature. First, I argue that the correlation between the electoral changes of 2006 and the social profile of electors occur heterogeneously over different regions and localities. If the proper measure is applied, these variations are better understood as a movement of volatile electors and not as realignment of electoral bases. Moreover, contrary to the current literature, I emphasize that the investigation over the electoral effect of the PBF shouldn\'t be restricted to its beneficiaries and neither that it is possible to infer its importance on the electoral result based on its regional distribution. Contrarily, based on the data we gathered, the impact of the PBF to the electoral results was more important on the Southeast than on the Northeast and it is not restricted to electors directly beneficed by the program. Still, I argue that if the adequate framework is adopted, it is possible to say that the impact of the PBF on the electoral results wasn\'t very strong or determinant to the electoral result. I conclude that the parties\' long term electoral bases influence on present results, minimizing the fluctuations that occurred in 2006. As it happens with all the policies with high potential to impact on voters decisions, the effect of the PBF cannot be analyzed separately, it has to be considered inside the context of the electoral and political dispute.

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With the beginning of the Internet era a lot of the traditional media characteristics along with the classic media theories changed. The foundations of this diploma thesis are built on the question whether the traditional media and the new media are constructing different media images. The topic is further analyzed in the chapters about the construction of reality, media convergence, agenda-setting theory or social network. The analytical parts studied the main sources - television and social network - on the example of the Czech presidential election in 2018. After the data were gathered there were stated thirteen topic clusters and each unit of the collected data was categorized into those. There was also categorization on sources and the amount of representation of every candidate. After analyzing these data a comparison was made and after that a conclusion whether there are any differences between traditional and new media.

More Americans voted in the 2020 elections than in any other in 120 years, and the majority supported the Democratic candidate - Joseph R. Biden, Jr. In 2020, Biden won 26 states, including Arizona, where he won as the first Democrat in the presidential elections since 1996. With a small margin of only 10,457 votes, every vote was essential. In Arizona, 412,256 people identify as American Indian and Alaska Native and their support for the Democratic candidate proved to be decisive in the 2020 elections. However, only little has been written about American Indians and Alaska Natives and their voting habits. Existing studies suffer from examining only one tribe or state, are old or ambiguous. American Indians and Alaska Natives are also often excluded from collecting and reporting data, and when included, the data is either inaccurate or put them in "the other" category. This work is the first to examine Native American voting in the 2020 presidential election. It aims to prove that the Native vote was one of the aspects that helped Biden win the elections since Native Americans traditionally support the Democratic candidates. To prove my thesis, I compared the results of the 2016 and 2020 elections from the precincts overlapping with tribal lands in Arizona and conducted a quantitative analysis of...

We study the impact of US presidential election TV debates on intraday exchange rates of 96 currencies from 1996 to 2016. Expectations about protectionist measures are the main transmission channel of debate outcomes. Currencies of countries with high levels of bilateral foreign trade with the US depreciate if the election probability of the protectionist candidate increases during the debate. We rationalize our results in a model where a debate victory of a protectionist candidate raises expectations about future tariffs and reduces future net exports to the US, resulting in relative depreciation of currencies with high bilateral trade integration.

"The present investigation was concerned with college students' perceptions of candidates in the 1972 Presidential Election."--[1].