Absenteeism is a grave problem in the workplace in South Africa. One can expect that the impact and patterns would differ from one sector to another. For instance the seriousness of absenteeism in a hospital or the security sector would not be the same as for a coffee shop or being absent from a school. However, absenteeism needs to be addressed in all sectors of the economy since it leads to losses in production and output, as well as a reduction in profits in many South African companies. This study explores absenteeism only in the security industry in Gauteng Province. The personal experiences of practitioners and managers regarding absenteeism, its extent and the impact in this province were examined during the research undertaken for this project. The aims of this study were largely the following: • To determine the main causes and reasons given for the current level of absenteeism among contract security personnel in the private security industry in Gauteng; • To see whether gender and employment grade contribute towards the absence of security officers during working hours; • To find out whether security officers routinely submit a sick note after being absent; • To ascertain management practices and responses to combating absenteeism, and • To identify what can be done to reduce absenteeism. The main research instrument used was a questionnaire. Some experienced academics were interviewed prior to administering the questionnaires to respondents in order to provide expert opinion and advice regarding this problem. Two different questionnaires were prepared, one for managers and one for security officers. The questionnaire had both closed-ended and open-ended questions. Three hundred questionnaires were distributed to security officers in the Gauteng region, and one hundred to security managers. The questionnaires for the managers had 48 questions while those for the security officers contained 38 questions. Those academics and security managers interviewed all agreed that absenteeism is a workplace problem in the country, a problem that currently has not been investigated in sufficient detail. They accepted that a formal study of this nature would be worthwhile doing in the private security industry. Furthermore, a literature review was undertaken while a close analytical examination of the various concepts being used in the research was also done. The literature provided the theoretical base to which the study was able to link the collected information from the empirical part obtained by means of the questionnaires. The sources for the literature review consisted of books, journals, the internet and newspaper articles. The research established various causes of absenteeism in the industry, with the main ones being: i) Poor salaries ii) Long working hours iii) Poor communication with immediate supervisor iv) Transport problems v) Poor working conditions vi) Family problems, and vii) Boredom The exploration done in this research was intended primarily to determine ways to address absenteeism. The ideal solution would be to reduce and ultimately prevent absenteeism. As a result and emanating from the research findings a number of recommendations were formulated and directed to the industry as a whole, while others were directed towards the security managers, and lastly some to the security officers themselves. / Criminology / M.Tech. (Security Risk Management)

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) are fast becoming a permanent structure in international security. PMSCs are made up of two groups, namely Private Military Companies (PMCs) and Private Security Companies (PSCs). Antagonism towards their existence and involvement in African civil wars is the result of some damaging effects of PMSCs- more specifically PMCs- including misconceptions. Both PMCs and PSCs are compared to mercenaries and definitional issues plague the private security industry. Private Military and Security Companies however are legal entities, different to mercenaries. This is why PMCs are sometimes referred to as "corporate warriors". As private companies PMCs often fill the security gaps left by international responses to African civil wars. Their contracts with legitimate governments offer a cheap and effective end to the violence of civil war. In recent years the use of PMSCs has increased among both weak and strong states. Antipathy however remains the prominent attitude in the international community, thus challenging the use of PMSCs. From this point of view, they are a ¡°scourge¡± because PMCs are not only likened to mercenaries of old who fight for private gain, but the arguments are also that they undermine the sovereignty of weak states, that they are unaccountable to the citizens of these states, that they violate human rights, that they don't solve root causes and that they contribute to militarization. The increase of civil conflicts in Africa and the surplus of military professionals after the Second World War meant that mercenaries became involved in African liberation struggles. By the end of the Cold War however- in an era that favours liberal economic practices and privatisation- professional legal Private Military and Security Companies were established to supplement the security gap left at the end of the Cold War. As mentioned, these are legal companies that don.t breach international conventions; are accountable to some home state legislation's and brought peace to Angola and Sierra Leone. International responses to security concerns- especially those in Africa- are burdened by the plethora of complex civil conflicts that simultaneously demand attention from the United Nations. PMCs may be equipped to execute Chapter VII mandates of the UN Charter, as these deal with robust enforcement functions at a time when the West is reluctant to intervene. What is perhaps required is more accountability (also to host state legislation) and oversight. The services of PMCs are beneficial to a number of stakeholders. These include the states in which they are registered, the states in which they operate, the citizenry that they protect, and they are profitable to the shareholders of the PMCs and diamond and oil companies they are contracted to. It is thus the conclusion of this thesis that Private Military Companies provide a faster and more cost- effective option for peacemaking in Africa. As private companies they are not bound by protocols and conventions but they must satisfy the company and its shareholders. And although the use of Private Military Companies is not dependent on the regulation of the industry, the PMSC industry would benefit from more self- regulation in the market place. Thus with relevant and more effective regulation, PMCs could become Africa's solution to her civil conflicts. Unlike in the Ballesteros report, the UN has to recognise this role. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Private Militere- en Sekuriteitsmaatskappye (PMSMe) is vinnig besig om 'n permanente struktuur in privaatsekuriteit te word. Skadelike uitwerkings van hierdie PMSMe, wanpersepsies ingesluit, is 'n gevolg van die antagonisme teenoor die maatskappye en hul betrokkenheid in burgeroorloë. PMSMe word met huursoldate vergelyk en gevolglik word die privaatsekuriteitsindustrie met kwessies rondom definiering gekwel. PMSMe, anders as huursoldate, is egter wettige entiteite. Om hierdie rede word PMSMe dikwels as "korporatiewe krygsmanne" (corporate warriors) beskryf. PMSMe, as private maatksappye, vul dikwels die sekuriteitsgapings wat deur die internasionale reaksies tot burgeroorloë in Afrika gelaat is. Hul kontrakte met legitieme regerings bied 'n goedkoop en effektiewe middel om die geweld van burgeroorloë te beëindig. Die gebruik van PMSMe het, gedurende die afgelope jare, in beide swak- en sterk state toegeneem. Antipatie dien steeds as in vername afkeur in die internasionale gemeenskap. Dit daag dus die gebruik van PMSMe uit. Hulle word steeds met huursoldate in die internasionale gemeenskap verwar. Terselfdertyd word geargumenteer dat PMSMe die soewereiniteit van swak regerings ondermyn, dat hulle nie verantwoordbaar aan die burgers van hierdie state is nie, dat hulle inbreuk maak op menseregte, dat hulle nie die kernoorsake van konflik oplos nie, en dat hulle tot militarisering bydra. Die toename in burgerlike konflikte in Afrika, tesame met die oorskot militêre vakkundiges na die Tweede Wereldoorlog, het gemaak dat huursoldate in Afrika se vryheidstryde betrokke geraak het. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog - gedurende 'n tydperk waar liberale ekonomiese praktyke en privatisering voorrang geniet het - was professionele wettige PMSMe byderhand om die sekuriteitsgaping aan te vul. Hierdie is dus wettige maatskappye wat nie internasionale konvensies skend nie, wat verantwoordbaar is aan sekere tuisstaatwetgewing, en wat vrede in Angola en Sierra Leone meegebring het. Internasionale reaksies tot sekuriteitskwessies - veral die sigbaar in Afrika - word deur 'n oormaat van komplekse burgerlike konflikte, wat gelyktydig aandag van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) verg, belas. Hiervolgens is dit moontlik dat PMSMe wel toegerus mag wees om Hoofstuk II-mandate van die VN Handves uit te voer. Die rede hiervoor is dat die PMSMe wel toegerus is om robuuste toepassings funksies te verrig. Dit het veral vorendag gekom gedurende 'n tydperk toe die Weste huiwerig was om by sekuriteitskwessies in te meng. Hoer vlakke van verantwoordbaarheid en oorsig word moontlik meer vereis. Die dienste van PMSMe is voordelig vir vele belanghebbendes. Hierdie sluit die state in waar hul gekontrakteer het, die state waarin hulle optree, die burgers wat hulle beskerm, die winsgewendherd vir aandeelhouers van die PMSMe en die diamant- en oliemaatskappye deur wie hul gekontrakteer mag wees om installasies te beskerm. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie tesis is dus dat PMSMe 'n vinniger en meer koste-effektiewe opsie vir vredemaking in Afrika bied. Al is die gebruik van PMSMe nie afhanklik van die regulering van die industrie nie, sal die PMSMe-industrie by 'n verhoging in self-regulering in daardie sektore baat vind. Met relevante en meer effektiewe markregulering, kan PMSMe dus as 'n oplossing in Afrika se burgerlike konflik dien. Anders as in die Ballesteros verslag, sal die VN dit moet erken.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and rapid growth of the private security industry in the 1990s followed from the downsizing of the armed forces in the aftermath of the Cold War and the development of new security threats which increased demand for military manpower and expertise. This has led to a redefinition of security strategies and the restructuring of armed forces by Western governments, which has resulted in the elimination of non-core activities from the functions of many armed forces. Recently it has been argued that the private security industry can challenge what previously was believed to be a primary responsibility of states, namely to take on peacebuilding initiatives and support to other peace operations. This study seeks to assess the impact of the private security industry in peacebuilding efforts in African conflicts. The study suggests that the private security industry have taken on a much stronger role in conflicts world wide since the 1990s, and that its activities have significantly changed. Companies such as MPRI and DynCorp have managed to keep close contact with their home governments, which arguably has been a crucial factor to their growing business. Furthermore, the private security industry have sought to distance itself from the negative connotations associated with mercenaries and the activities of companies such as Executive Outcomes in the 1990s, by avoiding operations involving elements of direct combat. This has been illustrated through the extensive case study of the activities of three private military and security companies: Executive Outcomes, MPRI and DynCorp. Furthermore, this thesis has confirmed an increased presence of the United States on the African continent post-9/11, illustrated by the presence of American-based private military and security companies which arguably are being used as proxies for US foreign policy purposes. Furthermore, this study has discussed the various implications the private security industry has on the traditional notion of the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force. This thesis has argued that the legitimate use to exercise violence is in the process of devolution from governments to other actors, which the extensive growth of the private security industry illustrates. Additionally, it has been argued that the privatisation of military and security services can harm the reliable delivery of essential services in conflict. Furthermore, the findings of this thesis has highlighted the dilemma that many countries do not want stricter regulation or elimination of the private security industry for the reason that these companies are viewed as valuable assets in fulfilling foreign policy objectives that for various reasons cannot be fulfilled by national armies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opkoms en vinnige groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in die 1990s was die gevolg van die afskaling van gewapende magte in die nasleep van die Koue Oorlog en die ontwikkeling van nuwe sekuriteitsbedreigings, wat die aanvraag na militêre arbeidskragte en kundigheid verhoog het. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot ’n herdefiniëring van sekuriteitstrategieë en die herstrukturering van gewapende magte deur Westerse regerings, met die gevolg dat niekernaktiwiteite van die funksies van talle gewapende magte uitgesluit is. Daar is onlangs aangevoer dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf aanspraak kan maak op ’n funksie wat voorheen as die primêre verantwoordelikheid van regerings beskou is, naamlik om vredesinisiatiewe en steun aan ander vredesverrigtinge te onderneem. Die doel van hierdie studie was om die impak van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in vredesinisiatiewe in Afrika-konflikte te assesseer. Daar word aan die hand gedoen dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf sedert die 1990’s ’n baie groter rol in wêreldwye konflikte gespeel het, en dat die aktiwiteite van hierdie bedryf aanmerklik verander het. Maatskappye soos MPRI en DynCorp was suksesvol daarin om nabye kontak met hul tuisregerings te behou, wat stellig ’n deurslaggewende faktor in hul groeiende besighede was. Voorts het die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf gepoog om hom te distansieer van die negatiewe konnotasies wat met huursoldate en die aktiwiteite van maatskappye soos Executive Outcomes in die 1990’s geassosieer is deur bedrywighede wat elemente van direkte stryd inhou, te vermy. Hierdie poging is geïllustreer deur die omvattende gevallestudie van die aktiwiteite van drie privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye: EO, MPRI en DynCorp. Die bevindinge van die studie bevestig voorts die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) se toenemende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-vasteland ná 9/11, wat duidelik blyk uit die teenwoordigheid van Amerikaansgebaseerde privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye wat stellig as volmag gebruik word vir die VSA se buitelandsebeleidsdoelstellings. Die verskeie implikasies van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf vir die tradisionele siening van die regerings se monopolie ten opsigte van die wettige gebruik van magte word ook in die studie bespreek. Daar word aangevoer dat die wettige gebruik van geweld in die proses van devolusie is vanaf regerings na ander rolspelers, wat deur die omvattende groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf bevestig word. Daar word verder ook beweer dat die privatisering van militêre en sekuriteitsdienste die betroubare lewering van noodsaaklike dienste tydens konflik kan benadeel. Die studie se bevindinge werp ook lig op die dilemma dat talle lande strenger regulering of uitskakeling van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf teëstaan omdat hierdie maatskappye beskou word as waardevolle bates in die bereiking van buitelandsebeleidsdoelwitte, wat vir verskeie redes nie deur nasionale leërs bereik kan word nie.

After sixteen intensive months, I quit my employed position as a security guard at a local hospital. By drawing on my autoethnographic experiences in the form of “ethnographic fiction writing”, as well as eight interviews with my former male colleagues, I explore how the guards’ constructions of masculinity intersect with their security assessment and subsequent application of force, chemical incarceration, and other coercive security tactics on involuntarily-committed mental health patients. The narratives are framed by the available literature on gender and masculinity within the security, police, prison and military institutions, as well as the theoretical notions of gendered institutions (Acker), hegemonic masculinity (Connell & Messerschmidt), doing gender (West & Zimmerman), and Dave Holmes’s application of Foucauldian biopolitical power to forensic healthcare settings. These concepts are used in tandem with a creative methodological tool to reveal the “messy”, “bloody” and “gendered” ways in which hospital life unfolds between the guard, the nurse, and the patient prisoner. By escaping more traditional forms of academic writing, I am able to weave raw, sensitive and reflexive thoughts and emotions into the research design and analysis. The analysis is divided into two narratives: “Us” and “Them”. “Us” emphasizes the gendered ways in which the hospital guard learns, reproduces, resists, lives up, or fails to live up to the masculine codes of the profession. Here, the guard must confront cultural demands to demonstrate physical prowess, authority and heroism during a patient battle. “Them” explores how hegemonic masculinity shapes the hierarchical and coercive relations between the guard, the nurse, and the patient, and reinforces psychiatrized discourses that promote punishment, pain, bureaucracy and control. Overall, these findings call for the abolition of physical restraint, chemical incarceration and other coercive security measures within our healthcare institutions, and encourage future research to give voice to the lived experiences of women guards and security management teams.

No description available.

A dissertation submitted to the Global Labour University in conformity with the requirements of a MA in Labour Policy and Globalisation School of Social Sciences Faculty of Humanities University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg March 2016 / Understanding the subjective views of low skilled marginalised workers who occupy bottom ends of labour markets and are implicated in everyday precarious living and working conditions is crucial for advancing scholarship on precarity. This qualitative study grounded in a phenomenological theoretical framework highlights the disconnects between the academic understandings of precarity and an understanding of precariousness from Zimbabwean migrant security guards’ own perspective in South Africa’s Private Security Industry (PSI), Gauteng Province. Relying on data collected through a combination of an ethnographic experience in 2014 and in-depth face to face interviews I conducted from June 2015, this study examines the perceptions that migrant security guards have on precarity, the strategies and tactics they employ to navigate everyday precarious working and living conditions and most importantly, the rationale behind these workers continued stay and work under precarious situations. As workers with precarious backgrounds, the findings of this study reveals that migrant security guards treat wage employment instrumentally, a source of their livelihood that has led to improvements in their standards of living as interpreted by them. The strategies and tactics employed by these workers either individually or collectively are therefore rationally and tactically crafted so as not directly challenge and disrupt the existing structures (state, capital and law) but instead to survive within these structures so as not to jeopardise their main source of livelihood-wage employment. For migrant security guards, wage employment remains a vital tool for meeting their varied socio-economic and political objectives. This study therefore led to the conclusion that there is generally a mismatch between academic conceptualisation of precarity and the way marginalised and low skilled labour migrants interpret and understand circumstances. / GR2017

Ce travail de recherche porte sur l’étude de la tension entre le discours institutionnel sur la professionnalisation de la sécurité privée en France et le processus d’exercice et d’apprentissage du métier par les agents de sécurité. Différents facteurs indiquent les enjeux du projet institutionnel de professionnalisation et des dispositifs de formation. Le chercheur met en évidence, à partir d’une approche qualitative et multidimensionnelle, les intentions institutionnelles et l’écart existant entre le discours et la réalité. Sur le terrain, les agents de sécurité vivent mal leur entrée dans la profession et la réalisation de leur métier. Pour remplir les objectifs du contrat, ils construisent une norme informelle d’acceptation des risques, inductrice du processus d’apprentissage. L’action ainsi développée permet aux agents de sécurité d’apprendre au fil de l’activité. L’évolution rapide des attentes institutionnelles en matière de sécurité transforme les opérationnels et les interroge dans un nouveau rapport à l’action. Les réponses apportées exigent une approche globale de prévention et de gestion des risques sur les sites et les territoires (pour la plupart en présence du public). Un nouveau concept de coproduction de sécurité publique et privée apparaît et le discours institutionnel change alors d’aspect, mais la réalité opérationnelle reste décalée. / This academic research task focuses on the tension between the institutional discourse on the professionalization of private security in France and on the learning and practice process of the profession by security agents. Different factors point to the issue of the institutional project of the professionalization and of the training systems. The researcher brings to light, with a qualitative and multidimentional approach, the institutional intentions and the gap between the displayed speech and reality. In the field, the security agents feel uncomfortable at the beginning of their profession, when they understand what their profession truly is. To fulfill the objectives of the contract, they build an informal standard risk of acceptance, the key-driver of the training process. The action thus developed allows the security agents to learn in the course of their activity. The swift evolution of institutional expectancies in security matters transforms the operators and calls them in a new relation to action. The answers given require a global approach to risk prevention and management on sites and territories (mostly with the public attending). A new concept of coproduction of private and public security is born and the institutional discourse then changes in appearance, but the operational reality remains ill-adjusted.

Sedan kalla krigets slut har en ny typ av aktör dykt upp i internationella konflikter och krig världen över. Denna aktör är privata företag som i dagsläget erbjuder allt från supplementär logistik till att helt ersätta nationella arméer. Utgångspunkten i denna uppsats är att ta reda på vilka faktorer som har skapat en marknad för dessa företag generellt, samt vilka av dessa faktorer som kan förklara framväxten i Sverige specifikt. I uppsatsen undersöks befintlig forskning kring vad som drivit utvecklingen. Därefter kommer befintlig teori att prövas som förklaringsmodell för expansionen i Sverige. Den befintliga teorin som prövats på Sverige består av sju faktorer beskrivandes politiska och samhälleliga förutsättningar vilka förklarar expansionen. Av dessa återfinns samtliga i Sverige, men genom en analys av deras respektive giltighet i svensk kontext uppstår en mer nyanserad bild, där endast fyra av faktorerna är relevanta som förklaringar. Dessa är en transformation av försvarets fokus och organisation, en politisk trend av privatisering samt ett överflöd av militärt utbildad personal utan sysselsättning. Av dessa är den förstnämnda den starkaste katalysatorn medan den sistnämnda endast i viss mån påverkar den redan pågående expansionen. / Since the end of the Cold War a new phenomenon has shown in international conflict and war, worldwide. This phenomenon is the private companies nowadays offering supplementary logistics, armed troops to the front and everything in between. This essay aims to identify which factors that have contributed to the creating of a market for these companies in general, and which of these that can explain the growth of Swedish companies in particular. In the essay previous research on the topic of privatization of security are examined and thereafter applied onSwedenin order to examine to what extent it can be used to explain the changes inSweden. The existent theory applied onSwedenconsists of seven factors, describing political and social basis, which explain the expansion. All of these are found in Sweden, however, through a further analysis of their individual relevance, a more nuanced result can be seen, whereas only four out of seven are relevant as explanations. These are a transformation in defence focus and organization, a political trend of privatization and a flood of trained unemployed military personnel. The first one of these is the strongest catalyst for expansion while the latter only to a certain degree reinforces the already ongoing process.

Subject: Independent essay in War Science (15 points) which debate the question if PrivateMilitary Companies is an asset or a threat to the Swedish Armed Forces regarding rerecruitmentwith focus on the soldiers of FS21.That which is investigated is the general attitude amongst soldiers who have completed theirconscript duty according to the old conscript system and now is employed in order to conducta tour abroad with Afghanistan as area of operations. Further investigated is their attitudeagainst the Swedish Armed Forces as an employer, as well as the private sector whichwant/could benefit from the skills the soldiers is possessing. Could the soldiers se themselvesleave the Armed Forces before the contract has expired in benefit of private companies whichclaim they solve similar tasks. Purpose: The purpose with this essay is to contribute with knowledge about a number ofemployed soldiers’ attitude against Private Military Companies. Further; if the soldiersbelieve the Armed Forces provide them as they think they deserve/ want in order to stay andnot leave their job in favour of PMC:s, and through it clarify what the soldiers value asemployees. Order of Approach, Method and Material: The method I’m using is a survey in whichsoldiers and squad leaders have answered the questions. The soldiers and squad leaders isfurther referred to as “the soldiers”. These soldiers were consisting of 59 males and femaleswhich were in the final stage of the preparation for their Afghanistan tour. The name of thetour is FS21. Result: According to the survey a great number of respondent soldiers claimed they wouldleave the Swedish Armed Forces in order to be employed in a PMC if the salary would proveto be better. The things that were most important to the soldiers were the colleagues and a funjob as well as the closest in command. After that the salary was vital. At the bottom,according to the soldiers, was an ethical and fair job which would be highly valued in the eyesof the public. According to the statements made by the soldiers the main reasons to stay in theArmed Forces was the group cohesion, the fellowship, the friends and the closet in command.It’s not about the Armed Forces as a department or an employer, it’s the colleagues. Conclusion: This doesn’t collide with van Doorns theory1, it merely enhance the statementwhich van Doorn expresses; that the abandonment of the conscript system will force the statemanagement out on the labour market embossed by a harsh competition of the working force.In lack of possibility to measure up with the civil salary capacity the consequence could fairlybe that the troops are recruited from marginalized groups, which threatens the Armed Forcescapacity. This could also mean that the Armed Forces train and educate individuals frommarginalized groups, as well as the ordinary male or female, and of a sudden they are mostattractive at the civil sector which appreciate military skills and knowledge and se it assomething they could benefit from.This request that the Swedish Armed Forces have an ambition to keep the soldiers it educate,a more active work in keeping the soldiers in the own organisation – merely by meeting theneeds of the soldiers. It is a constant necessitate re-recruiting every day, not when thecontracts reaches its due date. / Ämne: Självständigt arbete i Krigsvetenskap (15HP) som behandlar frågan huruvida PrivataMilitära Företag är en tillgång eller ett hot mot den svenska Försvarsmakten gällandeåterrekrytering med soldaterna ur FS21 i huvudfokus. Med återrekrytering menas förnyelse avkontrakt som löper mot sitt slut.Det som undersöks är bland annat den generella inställningen hos soldater som har gjortmilitärtjänst enligt det gamla värnpliktssystemet och nu är anställda med målsättning attgenomföra utlandsmission med Afghanistan som operationsområde. Vidare undersöks derasinställning till Försvarsmaktens personalpolitik samt deras inställning till den privata sektornsom vill/kan dra nytta av kompetensen som soldaterna besitter. Skulle dessa soldater kunnatänka sig att lämna Försvarsmakten till förmån för privata företag som säger sig kunna lösaliknande uppgifter, och detta innan kontraktet med Försvarsmakten löpt ut? Syfte: Syftet med denna uppsats är att bidra med kunskap om inställningen hos anställdasoldater ur FS21. Hur är deras inställning till Privata Militära Företag? Vidare att undersökaom Försvarsmakten, enligt dessa soldater, erbjuder dem det som önskas/anses skäligt för attinte lämna sin anställning till förmån för PMF och därigenom klargöra vad det är soldaternavärderar som anställd. Genomförande, Metod, Material: Metoden jag nyttjat mig av är en respondentundersökninggenom en enkät. Enkätundersökningen har genomförts där soldater och gruppchefer har svaratpå frågorna. Soldaterna och gruppcheferna benämns genom uppsatsen som enbart”soldaterna”. Dessa soldater utgjordes av 59 män och kvinnor som då var i slutskedet på sinutbildning och i sina förberedelser för utlandsmission till Afghanistan. Missionens benämningär FS21. Resultat: Genom enkätundersökningen påpekade väldigt många av de tillfrågade soldaternaatt de skulle lämna Försvarsmakten för att istället ta anställning inom ett PMF om lönenvisade sig vara bättre. Det som var viktigast för soldaterna var arbetskamrater och ett roligtjobb samt den närmaste chefen. Därefter var lönen att betrakta som vital. På näst sista platshamnade enligt soldaterna ett etiskt och korrekt arbete som i allmänhetens ögon är högtvärderat. Enligt de uttalanden som soldaterna gjort i fritextsvaren så är det främstgruppsammanhållningen, samhörigheten, kamraterna och den närmsta chefen som äranledningen till att stanna. Det är inte Försvarsmakten som myndighet eller arbetsgivare i sig,utan kollegorna. Slutsatser: Detta krockar inte med van Doorns teori2, utan snarare förstärker det påståendetsom van Doorn uttrycker om att övergivandet av värnpliktssystemet medför att statsledningentvingas ut på en arbetsmarknad präglad av en hård konkurrens om arbetskraften. I brist avmöjligheter att följa de civila lönetrenderna kan följderna bli att manskapet kan komma attrekryteras ur marginaliserade grupper och därigenom äventyra försvarskraften. Det kan ävenbetyda att Försvarsmakten tränar upp och utbildar individer ur marginaliserade grupper, tillikasom gemene man och kvinna, så att dessa plötsligt blir attraktiva hos den civila sektorn somser soldaternas kunskap och militära färdigheter som något de kan dra nytta av.Det krävs av Försvarsmakten att det finns en ambition att behålla de soldater som utbildas, ettmer aktivt arbete i att behålla soldaterna i de egna leden – främst genom att möta soldaternasbehov.Det är en ständig nödvändighet att återrekrytera varje dag, inte enbart när kontrakten börjarnärma sig sina slut.

The use of Private Military Companies (PMCs) has become an increasingly common feature of contemporary armed conflict. Because of their autonomous contractual status, PMCs have presented governments with problems of accountability on several levels, including violations of international human rights and humanitarian law (IHL) standards. This thesis argues that PMCs should be considered to be non-state actors (NSAs), subject to international law from both an International Relations Theory and a Legal Theory perspective. This conclusion is linked to the issue of whether individual PMC employees can be treated as legitimate combatants according to IHL. State practice has not led to a clear understanding of the definition of combatant, a problem which has been compounded by a lack of government policy on the use of PMCs. Using Canadian experience as a case study, the thesis concludes that IHL suggests two options for regularizing the status of PMCs which would both strengthen accountability and uphold the rule of law.