In this project, I ask: How do Ontario public schools participate in the construction and perpetuation of a racial hierarchy of Canadian citizenship? I argue that the discourse of white civility produces and organizes a governable Canadian populace that serves to legitimize the nation-state. Employing a critical anti-colonial, anti-racist framework, I analyze the narratives of teachers as they relate to the notions of citizenship, multiculturalism and professionalism. I aim to shed light on the role of the teacher within the circuits of power that serve to regulate ‘Canadian-ness’ and respectability. Through a discourse analysis of the statements of educators working with newcomer students, I illustrate some of the obstacles to equitable praxis. I conclude by challenging teachers to consider their investments in the systems that perpetuate oppression.

This research project explores the Tri-mentoring Program’s impact on enhancing the student experience, specifically for the new emerging population of racialized and first generation undergraduate students in a Canadian urban university. The study examines how the TMP model attempts to address these students’ unique challenges by creating a holistic student experience, that acknowledges and addresses their lived experiences; encourages them to retain their racial/cultural identities (and values) and external community commitments and beliefs; and facilitates them becoming more empowered and engaged on campus. This research also contributes to the production of knowledge in the area of student engagement. This study introduces and validates the voices and lived experiences of racialized students into the literature, which will be valuable in the future development of new models of student engagement where power is shared and indigenous knowledge and epistemologies are valued- leading to a more engaged and successful student experience.

In this project, I ask: How do Ontario public schools participate in the construction and perpetuation of a racial hierarchy of Canadian citizenship? I argue that the discourse of white civility produces and organizes a governable Canadian populace that serves to legitimize the nation-state. Employing a critical anti-colonial, anti-racist framework, I analyze the narratives of teachers as they relate to the notions of citizenship, multiculturalism and professionalism. I aim to shed light on the role of the teacher within the circuits of power that serve to regulate ‘Canadian-ness’ and respectability. Through a discourse analysis of the statements of educators working with newcomer students, I illustrate some of the obstacles to equitable praxis. I conclude by challenging teachers to consider their investments in the systems that perpetuate oppression.

The purpose of the present study was to examine the role that sociocultural and political mores play in shaping male and female value systems. The aforementioned value systems were examined with respect to the role they played in the development and evolution of the individual’s self-concept as well as how such persons interacted with other individuals in context of romantic/sexual relationships. To contextualize the construction of individual and collective identity as it pertains to the amorous sphere, consideration was given to culturally bound realities such as religious and political mores as they unfolded within both the Renaissance era and world of the text as constructed by its author. Findings included a great propensity towards the silencing and subjugation of women when they entered romantic relationships with men. However, various passages and themes of the plays examined revealed that female independence and agency can be realized within the romantic sphere.

Paul Bonnetain (1858-1899) is a French author whose work has been largely forgotten. While the literary merit of much of his output is another matter, this thesis will show that the value of Bonnetains work is of considerable historical significance as a record of the ways in which the apparently contradictory notions of republican universalism and racial hierarchy were combined to form the French mission civilisatrice. The focus will be on Bonnetains two books gleaned from his time spent in Indochina as a correspondent for Le Figaro during 1884-1885, the compiled journalism of Au Tonkin (1884) and the Naturalist colonial novel LOpium. Both books exemplify the historical interest of Bonnetains work, which lies in its Naturalist quest for scientifically accurate literature and in its belief in the phenomenon of racial degeneration. This belief is coupled with a strongly implied materialist adherence to polygenism the belief that human races represent different species with distinct origins. However, these aspects of his work are brought into even greater relief by their juxtaposition with Bonnetains strongly leftist, anti-clerical, and materialist republican universalism. This thesis describes how his enthusiasm for miscegenation and métissage, as expressed in Au Tonkin and LOpium, allowed him to maintain a belief in racial hierarchy while also enthusiastically subscribing to republican universalism. In this way, métissage served as a framework in which these two seemingly contradictory positions could be held together.

In 1883 the case of Claybrook v. Owensboro was one of the first challenges to equal educational funding under the Fourteenth Amendment. The definition of the Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection clause was vague and left blacks with little guidance about their new found constitutional rights. By analyzing the case along with legal, educational, and local racial attitudes toward blacks at the time, historians and educators can better understand the evolution of the Fourteenth Amendment in state and local issues. The case record from Federal Reports as well as the case file from the law final record book at the National Archives Southeast Branch were used in this analysis. Also, Emily Holloway, the great-granddaughter of the case's namesake, Edward Claybrook, was interviewed and provided information about the personal situation and status of the men who challenged the Owensboro school system. Records from the Freedmen's Bureau also provided evidence of racial attitudes and conditions in Kentucky. A Filson Club collection of letters from John Marshall Harlan, Justice of the United States Supreme Court and lone dissenter in Plessy v. Ferguson to Judge John Watson Barr, Justice of the United States Sixth Circuit in Paducah, also provide evidence of similar attitudes of both justices concerning race and equality. This case study offers a closer look at one of the first applications of the Fourteenth Amendment to education and a local government issue. In addition, the decision mentions for one of the first times the possibility of integration in the absence of equality. The evidence clearly shows a progressive attitude from the bench in the case as well as blatant inequalities between the black and white schools.

Diversity training in workplaces is occurring across the U.S. at a growing rate. These programs attempt to make work environments more pluralistic for everyone. Conflict and feminist theory both agree that those with less power will see issues in a different way than will those with more power. This research involved a questionnaire administered to employees at a governmental agency in a small city in the Southeastern United States. Indices were used to measure attitudes toward diversity and sexual orientation. T-tests and multiple regressions were employed to determine the differences in employees' attitudes toward the two dependent variables. Results from 175 returned questionnaires showed females, nonwhites, and employees with fewer years of employment had more positive attitudes toward diversity and equality based on sexual orientation than did males, whites, and employees with a large number of years in the workforce.

The purpose of this study was to analyze African American portrayals in televised advertisements over a sixday period in November 1995. A total of 799 advertisements were analyzed, including 205 that depicted at least one African American actor. Content analysis was used to describe the following, with respect to African American actors: age, gender, day and time of portrayal, occupational role, and products and services advertised. Comparisons were also made between frequencies of actors of different races and amount of time these actors appeared. When compared with previous studies of African American television portrayals, many improvements were observed as well as some setbacks, with respect to images of African American actors.

In A White Wedding? The Racial Politics of Same-Sex Marriage, I examine the inter-locking relations of power that constitute the lesbian/gay subject recognized by the Canadian nation-state as deserving of access to civil marriage. Through analysis of legal documents, Parliamentary and Senate debates, and interviews with lawyers, I argue that this lesbian/gay subject achieves intelligibility in the law by trading in on and shoring up the terms of racialized neo-liberal citizenship. I also argue that the victory of same-sex marriage is implicated in reproducing and securing a racialized Canadian national identity as well as a racialized civilizational logic, where “gay rights” are the newest manifestation of the modernity of the “West” in a post-9/11 historical context. By centring a critical race/queer conceptual framework, this research project follows the discursive practices of respectability, freedom and civility that circulate both widely and deeply in this legal struggle. I contend that in order to successfully shed its historical markers of degeneracy, the lesbian/gay subject must be constituted not as a sexed citizen but rather as a neoliberal citizen, one who is intimately tied to notions of privacy, property, autonomy and freedom of choice, and hence one who is racialized as white. The critical race/queer analytic also attends to the temporal and spatial registers framing this legal struggle that re-install various troubling racial hierarchies in a “gay rights” project often lauded as progressive. This analysis of the discursive terrain of same-sex marriage reveals the race shadow that lies at the heart of this equality-rights struggle. The conclusion of this thesis provides reflections for developing an ethics of activism that dislodges and resists the (re)production of racialized relations of power in lesbian and gay equality rights activism. In so doing, I seek to provoke, question and re-draw the landscape of our thinking, not only about same-sex marriage but also about the terms with which we conceive, articulate and practice racial and sexual justice.

This thesis is a study of the gender/sexuality construction in the Winnipeg Beach resort area in the period between 1900 and 1965. I argue that the resort functioned as a venue for the conduct of heterosexual relations in the 20th century and saw the transition between three distinctive systems of courtship during that period. These systems of courtship shaped the social and physical space of the resort area creating three distinctive periods at Winnipeg Beach: the first period lasted from 1900 to approximately 1915; the second from 1915 to the mid 1950s; and the third from the 1950s on. I also argue that the Canadian Pacific Railway company played a distinctive role in the Winnipeg Beach environment by actively promoting the area as a heterosexual contact point. This thesis relies heavily on oral interviews to illustrate how people constructed the Winnipeg Beach environment during the 20th century. / May 2009