As the debate intensifies regarding developing remedies to meet the needs of America’s homeless, one solution is for governmental agencies to collaborate with and employ organizations from the nonprofit sector to assist with the needs of the homeless population. Included in the nonprofit sector, faith-based organizations (FBOs) have historically been a source of debate and contention in terms of collaborations with the government. However, Presidents Reagan, George H. Bush, Clinton, George W. Bush, and Obama have embraced the idea of including FBOs in the pool of service providers offering human services. In the Richmond, Virginia region, FBOs and nonreligious nonprofit organizations provide a range of human services to a substantial population of homeless clients. Yet, whether the homeless population prefers services offered by FBOs versus nonreligious nonprofits in general and for specific categories of service is unknown. These specific categories of service include alcohol treatment and recovery, counseling, drug treatment and recovery, food pantries, health care, job training and placement, short-term and long-term shelter, and meal sites. In addition, this study seeks to identify models using variables from this study that predict the preference for each category of service. Since homeless clients overall and specific human service preferences are an unknown, the importance of this study is to inform policymakers, those in the nonprofit sector, researchers, and other interested parties of these preferences. A study of this nature is also important to compare policy implementation to the preferences of the homeless to ensure the implementation accounts for principles of social equity. In addition, a study of this nature seeks to fill a literature gap by examining and understanding the intersections of demographic characteristics and preferences. Using the cohort and the rational choice theories, this study examines the preferences of homeless individuals for particular types of service providers.

La guerre civile en Sierra Leone débute en 1991 et dure jusqu’en 2002.Encore aujourd’hui, les analystes sont assez partagés sur ses causes, notamment lesmotivations des rebelles du Front Révolutionnaire Uni (RUF), mouvement àl’origine des hostilités. De son entrée en Sierra Leone à nos jours, le RUF a étél’objet de plusieurs débats et critiques, tant sur son organisation que sur sesméthodes guerrières. En questionnant d’abord la capacité organisationnelle de cemouvement, la thèse a pour objet de contextualiser les arguments souvent associésavec des guerres civiles de ce type. Ils insistent sur l’absence de sens : ces conflitsillustreraient d’abord une situation de chaos total. Elles seraient aussi laconséquence de l’absence ou de la défaillance d’un État.Cette présente étude s’inscrit dans le prolongement des débats sur le RUF.Elle démontre que ce dernier n’était pas si désorganisé que ce que racontent lescommentateurs, avertis ou non. Cette opinion répandue résulte notamment d’unemédiatisation intense de son usage intensif de la violence extrême, très réellecependant. Le RUF n’était pas qu’un groupe de voleurs de diamants sanguinairesmais aussi une force assez structurée avec une logique hiérarchique claire, voireune idéologie. Grâce à ces facteurs, il a mis en place des structures lui permettantd’établir les relations de gouvernant à gouvernés avec les populations urbainessous son contrôle. Cette force rebelle a instauré un mode de gestion de lacollectivité. Cela a modifié la nature de ce groupe armé, devenu, dans les zonessous son contrôle, un « appareil administratif » civil, loin d’être toujoursperformant mais bien identifiable comme tel.En juxtaposant les interactions complexes d’une gouvernance quotidienne,la thèse met en lumière les méthodes de gouvernance du RUF et les aspects dits« normaux » de la vie dans ces villes en guerre. Elle analyse les variables de larelation entre les membres du mouvement rebelle occupant ces communes et lapopulation locale. Une fois une ville conquise, les rebelles sont obligés d’y fairequelque chose. Le RUF impose un « système administratif » instaurant un ordre devie en commun dans toute cette zone.L’étude analyse donc ces outils de la gouvernance civile, mobilisés entemps de guerre. Au cours de cet étude, plusieurs recherches de terrain en SierraLeone, ont été menées. Ces séjours sur place ont permis la réalisation de plusieursentretiens, individuels et collectifs. Ils soutiennent les idées générales exposéesdans cette thèse. / The war in Sierra Leone began in 1991 and ended in 2002. Analysts remaindivided on the question of its cause, particularly on the issue of the motivations ofthe rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF), the armed group which started thehostilities. From its entry into Sierra Leone to date; the RUF has been the subjectof much debate and criticism, both on its organization and its methods of wagingwar. By asking questions relating to the organizational capacity of the RUF, thisstudy aims to contextualize the central arguments often associated with civil warsof the Sierra Leonean kind: they insist on the absence of meaning; these conflictsillustrate a situation of chaos and/or are devoid of political reflections. They arealso the consequence of the absence or failure of a State.This present study continues these discussions in relation to the RUF, bydemonstrating that this guerilla force was not as disorganized as often portrayed,despite increased media coverage on its use of violence. The RUF was not a groupof murderous diamond thieves but also quite structured with a clear hierarchicallogic or ideology. Through this internal organisation, it set up structures toestablish governor/governed relations with urban populations under its control.The rebel force thus established a system to manage these local communities. Suchconsiderations changed the nature of the armed group in the areas under itscontrol, where it established a civil "administrative unit", far from being efficientbut identifiable as such.By juxtaposing the complex interactions of daily governance, the thesishighlights the governance practices of the RUF and the aspects that characterise"normal" life in these « war torn » towns. It analyzes the variables of therelationship between members of the rebel movement occupying these towns andthe local population. Once a town is conquered, the rebels are forced to dosomething there, an "administrative system" establishing an order of coexistence inthe whole area is imposed.The study therefore analyzes the tools of civil governance, mobilized intime of war. During this study, several field research trips to Sierra Leone, wereconducted. These trips have allowed the realization of several interviews,individual and collective. They support the general ideas presented in this thesis.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Anoar Jarbas Provenzi.pdf: 1155462 bytes, checksum: 48318e7c0a982942ec4541880001698e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study is about the secularization according to Peter L. Berger (theory of secularization) and according to Rodney Stark/William Sims Bainbridge (rational choice theory). Berger (chapter 1) affirms in Sacred Canopy the decrease of religion in modernity, whereas Stark/Bainbridge (chapter 2) supports in A theory of religion its increasing or maintenance. However, both theories have problems (chapter 3). Berger is criticized to affirm the equivalence between modernity and secularization, the belief in a previous age of the faith and the necessity of religious monopoly; Stark/Bainbridge are criticized to defend previous power of rational choice theory, a decontextualized universal rationality and an merely economic approach of religious phenomenon / Este estudo é sobre a secularização segundo Peter L. Berger (teoria da secularização) e segundo Rodney Stark/William Sims Bainbridge (teoria da escolha racional). Berger (capítulo 1) afirma, na obra O dossel sagrado, a diminuição da religião na modernidade, enquanto Stark/Bainbridge (capítulo 2) defendem, na obra Uma teoria da religião, seu aumento ou manutenção. Mas ambas as teorias apresentam problemas (capítulo 3); Berger é criticado porque afirma a equivalência entre modernidade e secularização, a crença em uma pregressa idade da fé e a necessidade de monopólio religioso; Stark/Bainbridge são criticados porque defendem o poder preditivo da teoria da escolha racional, uma racionalidade universal descontextualizada e uma abordagem puramente econômica do fenômeno religioso

在當前的治理環境下，公共任務比以往更需要整合政府及各部門組織的行動方能克盡其功。因此，多數的公共管理者應會同意，行政組際協調已成為「治理時代」重要且迫切的議題之一，公共管理者需要擁有全新的能力，從解決民眾問題的角度來回應民眾需求。本文將行政組際協調定義為「藉由兩個或兩個以上行政組織的一致行動，使特定政策或計畫的執行，能達成最少的冗餘、不一致與空隙的執行結果」。在此定義下，本文討論的行政組際協調涉及三個層面：第一個層面為跨行政組織如何產生一致行動的問題；第二個層面為行政組織間的互動關係；第三個層面為跨行政組織執行成果的問題。 本文建構的「行政組際協調嵌套賽局模型」假定官僚制度中的專業分工與獲利轉換機制的制度設計，是造成行政組織分工但不合作的主因。在此前提下，筆者引入「效用損失」的概念，做為發展行政組織行為效用函數的基礎。在行政自主性「效用損失」的概念下，筆者僅保留與行政組織政策或計畫執行最相關的自變項，分別是相依關係、溝通、管轄領域、民意監督、外部課責與內部課責等六種，來解釋行政組織的合作行為以及協調的結果等兩種依變項。由於本文將制度視為對參賽者的限制與機會，在制度陳述概念的輔助下，筆者得以清楚地設定行政組際協調的賽局情境，並將行政責任的思考轉化為外部課責與內部課責等兩種課責參數型態。在此課責制度框架下，筆者建立行政組際協調的空間結構，透過行政組織自主性效用之簡單損失函數以及制度空間模型的運用，成功建立起一個階層管理者、兩個行政組織的行政組際協調嵌套賽局模型。這個模型依據外部課責是否一致，以及內部課責是否存有共識等兩個面向，將行政組際協調賽局情境區分為四種類型，並在分別推演參賽者的行為變化後，提出十項理論命題。為詮釋這些命題在現實環境中的意義，筆者在臺北市政府研考會的同意下，引用該會於2010年10月辦理之1999跨機關陳情案件問卷調查資料，進行次級資料分析。 綜合而言，本文建構的「行政組際協調嵌套賽局模型」，是建立在一個嚴格的假定條件之上的，因此其理論的解釋力與預測能力都僅能限縮在一定的範圍內，特別是一階層管理者、兩行政組織的三人完全訊息賽局。換言之，超出這個範圍之外的行政組際協調現象，就不適合使用本模型進行解釋。本文雖然只使用極精簡的相關研究變項，卻也足以展現一個理論模型應具備的解釋與預測能力。當然，本文的研究僅是一個開端，不論在模型的廣博性以及適用性都還有極大的待改善空間。筆者也鼓勵後繼的學者，能持續地擴展與修改本文提出之理論模型，讓行政組際協調研究領域能朝向更正面的發展。 / Under the present governance environment, the government would need more efforts to coordinate different organizations’ actions than before to make sure the public services would be provided successfully. Thus, most public managers would not only agree that the interorganizational coordination has become one of the important and urgent issues in the governance era, but also they need to learn new abilities to response the citizens’ needs. The author defined the concept of interorganizational coordination as “The end-state of a public policy or program which is implemented by two or more organizations in a consistent way is characterized by minimal redundancy, incoherence and lacunae.” Under this definition, the author discussed three different questions of interorganization coordination in public administration. The first question is How can we formulate a set of consistent actions for implementing a public policy or program? The second question is “How can we explain the interactive relationship between the organizations in public administration?” The third question is “What kind of results would be produced by multi-organizational implementation?” The nested game model of this dissertation has been assumed that the specification and unique side payment system of bureaucracy are the fundamental institution of interorganizational coordination. Under this assumption, the author introduced the concept of simple loss function and structure-induced equilibrium to create an utility function of public organizations and a spatial model for deducing propositions of interorganizational coordination in public administration. In order to verify the propositions of the nested game model of this dissertation, the author did a case study which was including 52 appealed cases of 1999 Citizen Hotline of Taipei City Government and tested the hypothesis derived from the propositions. Finally, the author concluded that there are six independent variables, including interdependency, communication, territory, supervision, outside accountability and inside accountability which can be used to explain two dependent variables, including cooperative behaviors and the result of interorganizational coordination. The author admitted that the interorganizational coordination is a contingent process and should be carefully defined its game rules before discussing what happened in this process. This dissertation has provided a simplicity model for explaining interorganizational coordination with one hierarchical organization and two horizontal organizations within four different situations. The author hoped that other researchers can modify this simple model to explain more complex situations of interorganizational coordination. Thus, this field could be continually developed in a positive way.

This thesis addresses the question as to why multilevel politics is becoming an integral part of politics in Europe. Multilevel politics is conceptualized as a system which functions through a complex web of political relations within and across levels of decision making. The thesis argues that the rise of multilevel politics can be explained by its institutionalization in terms of the emergence, the evolution and especially the effects of relevant institutions. Based on a mixed-method research project, the influence of European institutions on subnational actors and the alignment of actor motives with institutional characteristics are empirically shown. The first chapter of the dissertation establishes the centrality of institutions for political transformation, examines the role of transnational and domestic institutions for multilevel politics, and contextualizes the research question in terms of institution-actor relations. The second chapter develops a new-institutionalist theoretical framework that explains the emergence, the evolution and the effects of the institutions, and formulates a series of hypotheses with regard to freestanding institutional influence, power distribution, material benefits and political identification. The third chapter outlines the mixed-method research design which addresses individual-level and institutional-level variations through a Europe-wide survey and a comparative case study. The fourth chapter on survey results shows generally favourable views on multilevel politics, and strong associations of these views with the independent variables under scrutiny. The fifth chapter specifies a multivariate model which includes all posited variables and confirms the majority of the hypotheses. Therefore, the new-institutionalist argument is broadly confirmed, while there is relatively weak evidence to sustain sociological explanations. The final chapter compares the Committee of the Regions and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, and examines the institutional characteristics which correspond to the hypothesized variables. It is then concluded that the two institutions share several overarching similarities, and display complementarity in other aspects.

This study examined the lobbying of the International Accounting Standards Board (IASB) by South African companies. The aim of this study was to establish the timing and methods of lobbying of the IASB by South African companies. Central to this study was the seminal work of Sutton (1984), predicting when and how companies lobby an accounting standard-setter. The research hypotheses for this study were formulated on the basis of Sutton’s (1984) predictions. The online questionnaire in this study was distributed to the top 100 JSE primary listed companies in order to collect primary data to test the four hypotheses regarding the timing, methods and perceived effectiveness of lobbying by South African companies. The findings of the empirical investigation indicated that most South African companies lobby later in the due process of the IASB and prefer using their auditors to support their views at the IASB. The findings are subject to certain limitations that are addressed in the study. Lastly, the researcher provided recommendations for future research in accounting standard-setting in South Africa. / Financial Accounting / M. Phil. (Accounting Sciences)

The EU’s notable transformation over the past five decades is obviously an event of modern state concepts. However, the EU’s matter of concern has placed too much emphasis on economic and trade issues, while its capability and power have achieved remarkable growth with far-reaching ramifications in both economic and political affairs. This also means that studies of the EU foreign policy have hardly reached North East Asia because of geographical limit between them, the EU’s weak institutional capacity and vestige of the Cold War. Therefore the EU and the Korean Peninsula did not have chance to build a critical relationship. This time could be defined as ‘standstill’ between Europe and the Korean Peninsula or ‘quiet diplomacy’. 1993 marked a turning-point in relations between the EU and the Korean Peninsula. Firstly, European countries have launched the Maastricht Treaty since they had signed in 1992. The Treaty implies the EU’s more strengthened international role in the political and economic area in accordance with its increased capability and reinforced power. Secondly, North Korea announced its intention to withdraw from the NPT on 12 March 1993 and then the Korean Peninsula was compelled to face a political crisis. Since the EU took unofficial Humanitarian Aids for North Korea in 1994-1995, KEDO and the EU in 1997 agreed to the terms and conditions of the accession to KEDO of its nuclear regulatory body. This was the first challenge of the EU political engagement of the Korean Peninsula question. In the context, this research seeks to answer the question of “What are the EU priorities in its strategy for Korean Peninsula?” that includes broadly the EU’s regional strategy for North East Asia in line with its foreign policy agenda. To tell the conclusion, the EU’s intervention to North Korea was firstly encouraged in dimension of economic interests through vitalization of international trade after the Korean Peninsula would be reunified. The EU considered that Asian nuclear market is an important factor in order to build nuclear technical standard as well as to obtain commercial interests although the European nuclear firms did not obtain chance enough to construct for North Korea nuclear facilities construction. The EU’s political incentives for political change-seeking in North East Asia must also be considered. Actually, the EU diplomatically opened the door of Pyongyang and led the isolated regime to a channel that communicates with international community although the EU did not take a seat at Six-Party Talks to engage itself in the Korean Peninsula question. As a result, the EU could increase the image of a ‘peaceful mediator’ or an ‘honest blocker’ in the term of ‘reputation’ through engagement continued for the Korean Peninsula Crisis. The EU’s foreign policy has been partly successful in context that Europe succeeds in promoting its existence as a global actor. Therefore, its foreign policy would gradually be reinforced to bolster the EU’s credibility and influence in the Korean Peninsula. The EU’s role is surely reduced in the Korean Peninsula issues with the termination of the KEDO project. However, the EU’s role is expected to be performed in different ways under its confidence and capability. The EU’s next engagement depends on where its new incentives will be, and then its question will be how to realize them in accordance with its institutional conditions and actual capacity. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette recherche traite de la réactivité des parlementaires français vis-à-vis de leur circonscription.Ce faisant, notre thèse investit l’aspect dyadique de la représentation politique qui a été largementignoré par la littérature française et offre ainsi un nouveau regard sur la variété des activités desdéputés français tant à Paris qu’en circonscription. En s’inspirant des écrits du néoinstitutionnalismedes choix rationnels, notre thèse vise à mettre en lumière les déterminantsinstitutionnels de la réactivité vis-à-vis de la circonscription ainsi que les logiques qui sous-tendentles pratiques de représentation. En surmontant le descriptivisme de beaucoup d’études à ce sujetet à l’aide de solides matériaux empiriques, nous montrons que le territoire d’élection affectegrandement le comportement des députés tant dans le contenu que sur la forme des activités. Lacirconscription et les attentes différenciées des citoyens agissent de manière systématique sur lamanière dont les députés mènent leur mandat. / This research deals with French MPs responsiveness. This dissertation studies the dyadicrepresentation in the French Assemblée nationale which was largely neglected by scholars. It givesthus a new insight on the diversity of French MPs activities both in Paris and in their district.Following the arguments of the rational choice new institutionalism, our dissertation aims tohighlight the institutional determinants of MPs responsiveness toward their district and the logicsthat underlie their practices of representations. By overcoming the descriptiveness of many studiesand thanks to original and solid empirical data, we show that the characteristics of the districtstrongly affect both the kind and the content of MPs activities. The district and the various citizens’expectations systematically affect the way French MPs conceive their mandate.

In Feldstudien konnte häufig mittels der Low–Cost Hypothese gezeigt werden, dass normatives Verhalten von den dafür aufzuwendenden Kosten abhängt. Doch hängt die Durchsetzung einer Norm ebenfalls von der Höhe der Kosten ab? Die Gültigkeit der Low – Cost Hypothese bei diesen kollektiven Gütern zweiter Ordnung ist bislang im Feld wenig erforscht. In unserer Studie wird die Durchsetzung sozialer Normen anhand nachbarschaftlicher Kontrollen analysiert. Es werden Daten einer postalischen Befragung von 631 Personen in Leipzig aus dem Jahr 2001 ausgewertet: Der Zusammenhang zwischen der Befürwortung sozialer Kontrollen und der Bereitschaft, soziale Kontrollen tatsächlich an sich zu erdulden, wird mit steigenden Kosten der zu erduldenden Kontrollhandlungen schwächer. Zudem lässt sich die Logik der Low – Cost Hypothese auf andere soziologische Konstrukte übertragen: Die Wirkung von Kriminalitätsfurcht und Autoritarismus ist umso weniger handlungsrelevant, je höher die Kosten der zu erduldenden Kontrollhandlungen sind. Diese Befunde demonstrieren die Gültigkeit der Low–Cost Hypothese im Zusammenhang mit kollektiven Gütern zweiter Ordnung.:Einleitung; Die Übertragung der Low – Cost Hypothese auf die Durchsetzung sozialer Normen; Datenbasis und Operationalisierung; Schlussfolgerung und Ausblick / In field studies, there is evidence that the occurrence of normative behaviour is dependent on its costs. This effect is known as the low cost hypothesis. However, is the enforcement of social norms as well dependent on its costs? So far, there has been little research on the validity of the low – cost hypothesis for so called second order collective goods. In our work, the enforcement of social norms is studied by means of analyzing social control in neighbourhoods. We use data of a mail survey conducted in 2001 in Leipzig, Germany, with 631 respondents: Correlations between approval of social control and willingness to tolerate social control personally decrease with increasing costs to tolerate these control activities. Additionally, the logic of low – cost is transferable to other sociological constructs: The effect of fear of crime and authoritarianism is the less relevant for tolerating social control activities, the higher the costs for these control activities. These empirical findings confirm the low cost hypothesis for the production of second order collective goods.:Einleitung; Die Übertragung der Low – Cost Hypothese auf die Durchsetzung sozialer Normen; Datenbasis und Operationalisierung; Schlussfolgerung und Ausblick

The present study examines General Deterrence Theory (GDT) and its "parent," Rational Choice Theory (RCT), in an information security setting, assessing the behavioral intent to violate organizational policy under varying levels of certainty, severity and celerity of negative sanction. Also assessed is the individual computer user's time orientation, as measured by the Consideration of Future Consequences (CFC) instrument (Strathman et. al, 1994). How does rational consideration of violation rewards influence the impact of sanctions on individuals? How does time orientation impact intent to violate security policy? How do these operate in an IS context? These questions are examined by assessing the responses of university students (N = 443) to experimental manipulations of sanctions and rewards. Answering vignettes with the factorial survey method, intent to violate is assessed in a setting of Internet piracy of electronic textbooks while being monitored by computer security systems. Findings show that, although traditional GDT variables and reward impact intent to violate, CFC does not cause the hypothesized moderating effect on these variables. However, post-hoc analysis reveals a direct effect of time orientation on behavioral intent, as well as a weak moderating effect opposite of the hypotheses, indicating increased time orientation positively moderates, rather than negatively moderates, the impact of reward on intent to violate. Implications for theory and practice, and future research directions, are discussed.