Il lavoro cerca di valutare il possibile ruolo della Comunità Energetica del Sud Est Europa quale fattore di stabilita’ nell’area Balcanica. Il Trattato fondativo della Comunita’ assegna a questa l’obiettivo di condurre una cooperazione in campo energetico al fine diffondere istituzioni e normative condivise, quali elementi di superamento del conflitto: tuttavia, sono molti gli ostacoli posti su questo cammino sia di natura interna alla regione che esterna, per l’influenza di fattori e poteri internazionali interessati all’area. Il processo di transizione in molti dei paesi del quadrante non e’ ancora concluso e molti sono i nodi politici successivi ai processi di disgregazione della Federazione Jugoslava ancora presenti e non risolti. I progetti di corridoi energetici portati avanti dall’Unione Europea, Stati Uniti e Russia, concentrano sui Balcani un interesse sempre alto e tali attenzioni potrebbero influire sui processi d’area e sulle scelte politiche da compiersi. Sullo sfondo di tutto cio’ un altro importante fattore contribuisce alle dinamiche in corso: la crisi economica ha fatto sentire la sua presenza anche nella regione balcanica e questo crea importanti squilibri che devono essere valutati alla luce di processi di cooperazione quale quello della Comunita’ Energetica. / The aim of my thesis is to evaluate the possible role of the Energy Community South East Europe as a factor of stability in the Balkans. The founding Treaty gives to the Community the goal to create and improve the cooperation in energy field to promote shared norms and institutions, as elements to overcome the conflict period: however, there are many obstacles on this path since domestic and external factors, due to the influence of international powers interested in the area. Many Countries in the region have not concluded the transition process yet and there are many political problems following the processes of disintegration of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. On the other hand, the European Union, United States and Russia, energy corridor projects planned in the region are focusing on the Balkans important interests on geo political point of view. These dynamics could affect the processes and policy choices in the area. The background of the whole scenario is another important factor that is contributing to the dynamics in progress: the economic crisis has shown its presence even in the Balkan region and this creates significant imbalances that need to be evaluated on the light of processes of cooperation such as the Energy Community .

The times following international or civil conflicts but also violent revolutions often come with unequal share of the peace dividend for men and women. Delusions for women who gained freedom of movement and of roles during conflict but had to step back during reconstruction and peace have been recorded in all regions of the world. The emergence of peacebuilding as a modality for the international community to ensure peace and security has slowly incorporated gender sensitivity at the level of legal and policy instruments. Focusing on Rwanda, a country that has obtained significant gender advancement in the years after the genocide while also obtaining to not relapse into conflict, this research explores to what extent the international community has contributed to this transformation. From a review of evaluations, findings are that many of the interventions did not purse gender equality, and overall the majority understood gender and designed actions is a quite superficial way which would hardly account for the significative advancement in combating gender discrimination that the Government, for its inner political will, is conducting. Then, after a critique from a feminist standpoint to the concept of human security, departing from the assumption (sustained by the Governemnt of Rwanda as well) that domestic violence is a variable influencing level of security relevant at the national level, a review of available secondary data on GBV is conducted an trends over the years analysed. The emerging trends signal a steep increase in prevalence of GBV and in domestic violence in particular. Although no conclusive interpretation can be formulated on these data, there are elements suggesting the increase might be due to augmented reporting. The research concludes outlining possible further research pathways to better understand the link in Rwanda between the changing gender norms and the GBV.

This project investigates the evolution multilateral nuclear non-proliferation arrangements to prevent state and non-state actors to access potentially destructive weapons and components thereof. While less scrutinized by political scientists and security experts, cooperative frameworks abound in practice. This begets questions as to the mechanisms and processes by which actors effectively cooperate in a crowded, complex and pluralist environment. Which factors determine the success and resilience of non-proliferation arrangements? How much explanatory power do cognitive beliefs and institutional practices command to understand and explain variance in governance effectiveness? While previous studies have focused on the ‘front-end’ of cooperation by examining factors leading states to cut deals, others have focused on the ‘back-end’ by focusing on the role of military and diplomatic means, such as alliances, coercion and the role of law. In addition, while scholarship on cooperation neglects sovereignty-conscious issues, non-proliferation studies disregard what happens between the ‘front- and the backend’ of the cooperation loop. This work analyzes three arrangements – the review process of the Nuclear Non- Proliferation Treaty, U.N. Security Council Resolution 1540 and the Nuclear Security Summits. Using case study analysis, elite interviews and participant observation, this study undertakes an investigation from a cognitivist perspective and examines the “principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures” governing non-proliferation. While factors related to knowledge and learning affect actors' understandings of risks and their mitigation pathways, their impact is intertwined with idiosyncratic factors, with crisis as overarching and crosscutting thread. Theoretically, compared to neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism, cognitive approaches to international regimes provide the most cogent explanations to account for governance effectiveness, but cannot wholly explain a case. Operatively, effective and resilient nuclear non-proliferation governance should provide for permanent interaction whereby novel implementation and monitoring mechanisms are experimented in a sovereignty-respecting way.

Il decennio bulgaro di Mons. Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli (1925-1934) è un capitolo importante nella vicenda biografica di un uomo che, eletto Papa nel 1958, avrebbe segnato una svolta importante nel cammino verso l’unità delle Chiese cristiane: lo sviluppo della sensibilità ecumenica. In Bulgaria egli fu Visitatore apostolico con il compito soprattutto di provvedere ai gravi bisogni della piccola e disastrata comunità cattolica. L’incarico, inizialmente a termine, si trasformò in una permanenza decennale durante la quale il rappresentante della Santa Sede pose le basi per la fondazione di una Delegazione apostolica; egli stesso, infatti, ne fu nominato primo rappresentante. Scopo di questa tesi di dottorato è offrire una ricostruzione della missione di Mons. Roncalli in Bulgaria nell’ottica storico-diplomatica, basata, grazie all’apertura degli Archivi Vaticani dei fondi del Pontificato di Pio XI (6 febbraio 1922 - 10 febbraio 1939), su un lungo e attento studio archivistico. / Monseigneur Angelo Giuseppe Roncalli’s Bulgarian decade (1925-1934) is an important chapter of the men who, elected Pope in 1958, was able to lead the first steps of change in bringing together Christian churches: the transformation of ecumenical sensibility. He was Apostolic Visitor in Bulgaria and his important mission was focused on looking after the problematic catholic community. At the beginning, Mons. Roncalli’s permanence was supposed to be temporary, but it easily was transformed in ten very important years of catholic mission. The Holy See’s representative indeed established the Apostolic Delegation in Bulgaria becoming himself the first representative on charge. The hereby presented purpose is offering to wide audience a specific reconstruction of Monseigneur Angelo Roncalli’s operation in Bulgaria through a historical and diplomatic look. The accomplishment of this study is completely based on the newly unearthed documents of Pope Pius XI treasured in the Vatican Secret Archives.

Manlio Brosio è stato l’unico italiano a ricoprire il ruolo di Segretario Generale della NATO, il quarto in carica dalla fondazione dell’Alleanza, per sette lunghi anni (1964-’71). Durante gli anni della sua guida, l’Alleanza Atlantica dovette fronteggiare alcune fra le più cruciali sfide, a cominciare dal ritiro della Francia gaullista. Da quel momento di potenziale crisi si originarono tuttavia due differenti processi: la riorganizzazione e il trasferimento delle sedi NATO da Parigi a Bruxelles, e, soprattutto, il ripensamento politico dell’Alleanza, a mezzo dello studio che prese il nome di “Esercizio Harmel”. Brosio stesso confessava i propri dubbi circa la capacità della NATO di “sopravvivere alla détente”, a cominciare dai pensieri e timori puntualmente affidati ai suoi diari. Dopo aver tracciato l’evoluzione del pensiero brosiano, intrecciata alla sua carriera diplomatica, la tesi si focalizza poi sull’esame di come il torinese abbia affrontato il ruolo di Segretario Generale, “con coscienza atlantica e cuore italiano”. Instancabile nel suo lavoro, traghettò l’Alleanza in salvo dalla crisi, con una fine ricerca del consenso politico all’interno del Consiglio Atlantico. Con metodo e serietà che gli furono ampiamente riconosciuti, fu in grado di evitare che l’Alleanza “mantenesse il proprio guscio ma perdesse la sostanza”. / Manlio Brosio was the only Italian NATO Secretary General; he was the fourth in charge, from August 1964 through September 1971, his office being one of the longest so far. During Brosio’s seven-year term, the Atlantic Alliance had to face some of the most crucial challenges since its foundation, the first being the withdrawal of the Gaullist France from the military integrated structure, in 1966. Two different processes originated from that moment of potential crisis: the reorganisation and transferral of the NATO Headquarters from Paris to Brussels, and the political rethinking of the Alliance as a whole, through the study which goes under the name of Harmel Report. Projecting the Alliance on the new international framework of improved East-West relations, the Secretary General himself was reflecting upon the key-question “Will NATO survive détente?”; indeed, in his personal diaries (all now published) Brosio revealed his own doubts, fears and sense of inadequacy for the tasks ahead. Having retraced the evolution of Brosio’s political thought and career, the work then focuses on how he approached his difficult position, always honouring his “Atlantic conscience alongside an Italian heart”. Untiring in his work, he steered the Alliance through and out of the potential crisis, always striving to reach consensus in any decision taken during the Council meetings; his seriousness and meticulous method have been widely acknowledged. He finally managed to preserve the fundamental “political ingredient” of the Alliance and to avoid that it “maintain its shell but lose its essence”.

Con la fine della Guerra fredda, molti degli schemi interpretativi utilizzati per analizzare la politica internazionale hanno iniziato a essere oggetto di un’approfondita riconsiderazione teorica. Tutti questi elementi – la distinzione tra sistema internazionale e società internazionale (con la potenziale coesistenza di più società o regimi internazionali), il ruolo delle civiltà e quello delle religioni – sono stati quantomeno trascurati dal dibattito teorico successivo alla Seconda guerra mondiale. E, soltanto in parte, sono compresi in quello posteriore alla fine della Guerra fredda. Ognuno di essi è invece presente all’interno della teoria delle macro-trasformazioni politiche e culturali elaborata da Toynbee, fra gli anni Trenta e gli anni Sessanta del secolo scorso. / With the end of Cold War, many interpretative schemes used to analyze international politics started to be subjected to a deep theoretical reconsideration. All these elements – the distinction between international system and international society (with the potential co-existence of different societies or international regimes), the role of civilizations and religions – have been neglected by the theoretical debate after the Second World War. These issues, which have been only partially comprehended by the debate at the end of Cold War, are extensively discussed in the theory of political and cultural macro-transformation Toynbee elaborated between 1930 and 1960.

No description available.

La questione portante della mia ricerca è la verifica dell'eventuale appartenenza dei think tank a modelli di Comunità Epistemiche o Advocacy Coalition. La struttura della tesi rispecchia quindi parte del percorso che ho sviluppato, partendo da una analisi della definizione dell'oggetto di ricerca Think Tank, della sua struttura ed azione, con la finalità di influenzare il processo di policy making. La seconda sezione analizza gli approcci metodologici principali all'analisi del processo di formazione delle politiche pubbliche, mentre il terzo capitolo affronta la ricerca sui casi di studio selezionati: l'Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), l'Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale (ISPI) e lo European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR). / The fundamental question supporting my research is to verify the membership of the think tank to the Epistemic Communities or Advocacy Coalition model. The structure of the thesis, therefore, reflects the path that I developed, starting from an analysis of the definition of the research think tank, its structure and action, with the objective of influencing the policy making process. The second section discusses the main methodological approaches to the analysis of the formation of public policy, while the third chapter discusses research on selected case studies: the Institute of International Affairs (IAI), the Institute for the Study of International Politics (ISPI) and the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).

The political landscape of the world is constituted by states of varying degrees of influence and capability. Major powers have immense resources at their disposal, while minor powers are often constrained in terms of structure and material. Thus, for minor powers, engaging in conventional wars against much larger and more powerful states is potentially ruinous to their economies and endangers their political survival. While researchers have explored interstate asymmetric conflicts involving major and middle powers, this project specifically analyzes asymmetric conflicts between minor and major powers, focusing on the former, and the post Cold-war period. This research aims to analyze conditions, highlighted by theories on war, under which minor powers go to war challenging major powers. This research employs multiple theories, thereby establishing an innovative, pluri-theoretical framework. This theoretical framework works well with a mixed-methods approach, a medium-N research design (crisp set methodology in Qualitative Comparative Analysis), and three comparative case studies: Iraq (1990), Moldova (1992) and Serbia (1999). This dissertation finds that by looking through the lenses of multiple theories, one can observe a more nuanced relationship between conditions faced by minor powers in militarized disputes and their decisions to go to war against a major power. First, different combinations of conditions can result in conflict. Second, domestic crisis, not external threat, tends to be of primary concern to minor powers. Third, minor powers enter a war to win based on very modest expectations. Fourth, minor powers of autocratic regime type can also misperceive the situation through anomalous beliefs. The importance of the study stems from the observation that minor powers still fight conventional asymmetric wars, despite growing military capabilities of major powers. Understanding the risks, minor powers gamble, hoping to keep their political benefits. This study enhances our understanding of conditions shaping the occurrence of asymmetric conflict.

La tesi è strutturata in quattro capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si affronta l'inizio dell'esilio di Sturzo, con attenzione particolare alla scelta di Londra come sede del proprio esilio. A seguito dell'esilio inizia la conoscenza di Angelo Crespi, che sarà una persona determinante durante l'esilio londinese nonché durante alcune tappe che portano alla stesura di La Comunità internazionale ed il diritto di guerra . La parte finale del capitolo tratta dell'interesse per l'impegno politico di Sturzo e per comprendere la situazione politica italiana ed il movimento politico fascista. Il secondo capitolo si sofferma sulle conoscenze di Sturzo a Londra particolarmente significative per le riflessioni che verranno successivamente elaborate nel volume La comunità internazionale ed il diritto di guerra. La ricostruzione di questi anni si intreccia con la vicenda personale di Sturzo ed in particolare con i rapporti con la Santa Sede. Il terzo capitolo è dedicato infatti ai cattolici britannici e alla conoscenza che Sturzo ne ha. Dalla primavera del 1926 comincia il difficile rapporto con la curia di Westminster. Il quarto ed ultimo capitolo è dedicato ai lavori precedenti sul tema dell'internazionalismo e della pace internazionale che Sturzo scrive prima di dedicarsi alla stesura definitiva del saggio oggetto della ricerca. Sono affrontati le diverse edizioni del libro, inglese, americana, francese e i due tentativi che non ebbero esito di una edizione spagnola e tedesca. In Appendice lo scambio epistolare con De Ruggiero e con il Censor di Westminster per il Nihil Obstat alla pubblicazione di La comunità internazionale ed il diritto di guerra. / As an opponent to fascism, Luigi Sturzo a priest and an Italian political leader has to go into exile in London in 1924, during the formative years of international relations theory, what is usually called the First Great Debate. In 1929 Sturzo published a book on The International Community and the Right of War, which looks at the then debated international relations issues through his Christian background. This work will assess Sturzo's book in the unique historical milieu in which it was conceived, in order to identify a mix of liberalism and Christian thought rather unfamiliar both then and today. The work is organized in four chapter. The first face the reason of the Sturzo's exile in London. The second section is devoted to the cultural background of Sturzo's book, and specifically to his key British personal contacts: the liberals, the people gravitating around Chatham House and the British Catholics. Among the most relevant people corresponding with Sturzo or in other ways connected to his book we can find: Gilbert Murray, G.P. Gooch, Francis Hirst, Alfred Zimmern, Norman Angell, Leonard Wolf,. The third chapter illustrates Sturzo's relationship with the British Catholic and the Bishop of Westminster. The fourth and final chapter illustrates the articles and the different edition of The International Community and the Right of War: the English, the American, the French and the tentive edition in Germany and Spain.