Le pluralisme religieux est une réalité objective au Royaume-Uni et en France. Les minorités religieuses, demeurent un sujet récurrent qui suscite d’intarissables réflexions, d’études, de débats scientifiques et politiques. Elles sont une véritable préoccupation pour le politique, l’Europe et l’Etat ; à telle enseigne qu’il faille s’interroger sur ce que l’Etat peut leur proposer comme meilleure protection au XXIème siècle. La France et le Royaume-Uni sont confrontés à ce défi. Outre, la neutralité de l’Etat au regard de la religion rend complexes les rapports de ces minorités religieuses avec l’Etat en France où le concept de minorités religieuses n’est pas connu du droit français en vertu du caractère laïque de l’Etat français proclamé par l’article 1er de sa Constitution et la loi du 9 Décembre 1905 de la Séparation de l’Etat et de l’Eglise. Les minorités religieuses sont un non-sujet en droit français. Mais au Royaume-Uni, les minorités qualifiées de confessions religieuses sont reconnues quand bien même l’Eglise Anglicane est l’Eglise établie et officielle, avec à sa tête la Reine Elizabeth II. Il n’y a pas de séparation entre l’Eglise et l’Etat. En Ecosse, l’Eglise Presbytérienne fait figure d’Eglise établie, mais séparée de l’Etat. Aussi, toujours liée aux minorités religieuses, la question de l’application du principe d’ajustement raisonnable pour écarter des cas de discrimination en matière religieuse. L’ordre juridique britannique connaît ce principe et l’applique. Alors qu’en France, ce principe est ignoré et fait l’objet d’une application purement informelle. Certes, la globalisation apporte des faits positifs en Europe et notamment dans ces deux Etats, mais elle contient aussi des risques auxquels il faut prêter attention au XXIème siècle. Ainsi, les minorités nationales, les communautés linguistiques et les différentes unités constitutives de l’Etat demandent, en faisant appel au principe de la diversité, la reconnaissance de leurs droits collectifs, une multiplication des structures régionales et le perfectionnement de leurs prérogatives. L’apparition des « nouvelles minorités », celles des immigrants posent de nouvelles difficultés. En pratique, la religion historique du pays est privilégiée. Les religions pratiquées par les immigrés – Islam, Bouddhisme, Hindouisme, etc – sont alors l’objet d’une discrimination plus ou moins forte. Le besoin de visibilité de ces religions – et de l’Islam en occurrence – remet en cause le cadre fixé à la fin du XIXème siècle qui régit le fonctionnement des religions dans les divers Etats. Cette évolution touche plus durement les Etats laïcs de tradition catholique comme la France que les pays de tradition protestante où la place du religieux dans l’espace public est par tradition plus facilement acceptée comme le Royaume-Uni. Il faut aussi considérer que les religions importées par les populations migrantes sont souvent des « ethno-religions ». L’enjeu identitaire y est considérable, et il tend même à se substituer à celui de la liberté de croyance. Le Royaume-Uni et la France s’inscrivent dans ce registre à propos de leurs minorités religieuses. / Religious pluralism is an objective reality in France and Great-Britain. The religious minorities remain a recurring subject which inexhaustible reflections, studies, scientific and political debates. They show real concern to policymakers, Europe and State; so much so that it is necessary to wonder about what the State can propose them as better protection in the XXIst century. France and Great-Britain are confronted with this challenge. Besides the neutrality of the State with regard to the religion, makes complex relationships of these religious minorities with the State in France; where the concept of religious minorities is not known of French Law by virtue of the secularity – laic – character of the French State proclaimed by the 1st article of its Constitution and the Law of December 9th, 1905 of the Separation of the State and the Church. The religious minorities are no-subject in French Law. But in Great-Britain, the qualified religious, minorities of religious confessions are recognized when well even the Church of England is established and official Church with at its head Queen Elizabeth II. There is no separation between the Church and the State. In Scotland, the Kirk as considered as established Church and separated from the State. Also, always related to religious minorities, the question of application of reasonable principle of accommodation to draw aside from the cases of discrimination out of religious matter. The British legal order knows this principle and applies. Whereas in France this principle is ignored and is the object of purely abstract application. Admittedly, the globalization brings positive facts to Europe and in particular in these two States, but it contains also risks for which it is necessary to pay attention to the XXIst century. Thus, the national minorities, the speech communities and the various constitutional units of the State require, by calling on the principle of diversity, recognition of their collective rights, a multiplication of regional structures and improvement of their prerogative. The appearance of the “new minorities”, those of immigrants raises new difficulties. In practice, the historical religion of the country is often privileged. The religions practiced by immigrants – Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, etc – are then the object of more or less strong discrimination. The need for the visibility of these religions – Islam I occurrence – calls into question the framework fixed at the end of XIXth century which governs the operation of religions in the various States. This evolution touches hardly the secular States of Catholic tradition like France, than the countries of Protestant tradition where the place of religious in public space is by tradition more easily accepted like Great-Britain. It as should be considered as the religions imported by migrant populations are often “ethno-religions”. The identity challenge is considerable there, and it even tends to replace that of freedom of belief. Great-Britain and France fall under this register in connection with their religious minorities.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Heloisa Constantino.pdf: 4600659 bytes, checksum: 3eb2ec24b8da27b3dd6558e88733f181 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / According to the media, Muslims tend to violence behavior, are not open to dialogue and oppress their women. This view comes from the representations made in the middle aged Europe and does not reflect the behavior of Islam s faithful people living in our country, but it also represents the imaginary of Brazilian people and interferes directly in the relations among the members of this religious group and the rest of the population. Considering that the Federal Constitution states that every citizen is free for practice the chosen religion, this work intends to analyze the attitude of the media that acts like an instrument of labelling, to demonstrate social mechanisms that cause this behavior of the media and to verify the consequences in the people that lives in Mogi das Cruzes Muslim Community / Segundo os veículos de imprensa, os muçulmanos têm tendências a comportamentos violentos, não têm pré-disposição ao diálogo e oprimem suas mulheres. Esta imagem tem sua origem nas representações elaboradas na Europa medieval e não reflete o comportamento das pessoas fiéis ao Islã que vivem em nosso país, mas está cristalizada no imaginário do povo brasileiro e interfere diretamente nas relações convivência entre os membros deste grupo religioso e o restante da população. Tendo em vista que a Constituição Federal garante a todo cidadão seu direito à liberdade religiosa, este trabalho pretende analisar a postura da mídia que age como instrumento de rotulação, demonstrar os mecanismos sociais que causam esta postura, e verificar quais as consequências desta na vida das pessoas que fazem parte da comunidade muçulmana sediada na cidade de Mogi das Cruzes/SP

This thesis aims to analyze legislation of the Czech legal order concerning religious freedom. The work is divided in 4 parts. The first part of the thesis deals with the definition of religious freedom in the first place. Afterwards the thesis describes the Constitutional law relating to the religious freedom (especially the Article No. 15 and No. 16 of the Charter of the Fundamental Rights and Freedoms of the Czech Republic), international conventions relating to the theme (e.g. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights etc.) and further statutory provisions and legislative rules guaranteeing religious freedom in the Czech Republic. Major part of the thesis relating to the statutory provisions and legislative rules deals with the act No. 3/2002 Coll., on Freedom of religion and the status of churches and religious societies, as amended. The act No. 3/2002 Coll. constitutes basis of regularization of the freedom of religion in the Czech Republic. Various provisions of the act No. 3/2002 Coll. were subject to review of the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic due to their unconstitutionality. The second part of the thesis discusses various decisions of the...

This thesis contends certain contentious court cases can be traced beyond their legal roots to deep, sometimes incommensurable philosophical disagreements. However, the unitary nature of the judicial system effectively forces the court to take sides, putting its institutional weight and moral authority behind one set of principles and not another. Following Cover, I contend that this encourages future litigants to rephrase their claims in the court’s preferred normative language, thus influencing our normative environment. The theories which guide judicial decisions, however, are generally insufficiently attentive to the court’s normative influence. In response, I attempt adapting Dworkin’s Law as Integrity around Cover’s more sociological view. Chapter 1 examines Cover’s view, Chapter 2 explores Syndicat Northcrest v. Amselem and Delmaagukw v. B.C. as case studies, and Chapter 3 adapts Dworkin around Covers view. My conclusions argue that further inspiration can be drawn from EU Coordinate Constitutionalism and Sui Generis aboriginal rights.

This project examines how Georgia draws the line between religious freedom and child abuse. In Georgia, certain religious parents are granted spiritual exemptions for conduct that would otherwise be prohibited due to its potential harm to children, while other parents must alter their religious practices to conform to the law. An examination of Georgia law governing conduct that is both religiously-motivated and poses a risk of physical harm to children illustrates that Georgia’s spiritual exemptions have contributed to producing legally-defined religious orthodoxy, inconsistent regulation of religious conduct, and less stringent state protection from harm for the children of some religious parents.

Toute coexistence religieuse peut être facteur de conflits religieux ou symbole de respect de liberté, de tolérance ou de vivre ensemble, dépendamment de la façon dont elle est comprise, ou de la nature des religions coexistantes. Même quand chaque religion partage une vision du monde différente par rapport aux autres, on constate que la coexistence entre religions révélées (christianisme, islam, judaïsme – et bouddhisme dans certains cas) est plus facile, car ces religions partagent d’une façon ou d’une autre certaines valeurs communes. Par contre, il est très difficile de concevoir une logique de dialogue entre des religions dites « révélées » et des religions traditionnelles. Pourtant, la rencontre du christianisme avec des cultures religieuses traditionnelles africaines montre que malgré les difficultés, il y a possibilité d’avoir des échanges fructueux aussi avec les religions traditionnelles. Dans le contexte haïtien, la rencontre du christianisme avec le vaudou ne laisse pas toujours la possibilité aux observateurs d’entrevoir que la religion est signe de paix et de cohésion sociale. Étant donné que leur antagonisme se caractérise souvent par des facteurs comme l’intolérance, l’irrespect de la liberté de l’autre, etc., le problème est surtout dans la gestion des rapports religieux. Néanmoins, dans certains cas où les intérêts religieux sont traités en second plan, il y a lieu de constater que le tableau de la coexistence religieux haïtien est riche en symbole de paix et de compréhension mutuelle. Donc, ce travail de recherche cherche à comprendre la conception que le christianisme se fait du vaudou et vice versa, dans le but de voir avec exactitude les facteurs de divergences acceptables (et non acceptables) et ceux qui pourraient être à la base d’un éventuel dialogue interreligieux entre christianisme et vaudou dans le contexte haïtien. Pour améliorer les rapports entre adeptes du vaudou et chrétiens en Haïti, ce travail propose des méthodes pouvant aboutir à un vivre ensemble religieux pacifié, plus tolérant et d’une connaissance réciproque et intelligente de l’autre. Le but du dialogue présenté n’est pas que le christianisme et le vaudou travaillent ensemble à tous les points de vue, ni même qu’ils s’acceptent complètement, il s’agit plutôt d’une proposition d’une vie commune dans la paix, sans calomnies et stéréotypes réciproques. / Any religious coexistence can be a factor of religious conflict or symbol of respect for freedom, tolerance or live together, depending on the way in which it is included, or the nature of the religions in coexistence. Even when each religion shares a vision of the world different compared to the other, it is found that the coexistence between religions (Christianity, Islam and Judaism - and Buddhism in some cases) is more effective, because these religions share in one way or another some common values. On the other hand, it is constantly difficult to conceive of a pluralistic approach in a logic of dialogue between revealed religions and traditional religions. Yet, the meeting of Christianity with traditional African religious cultures shows that despite the difficulties, there is a possibility to have fruitful exchanges also with the traditional religions. In the context of Haiti, the meeting of Christianity with the voodoo does not leave always the possibility for observers to foresee that the religion is a sign of peace and social cohesion. Given that their antagonism is often characterized by factors such as intolerance, the disrespect of the freedom of the other, etc., the problem is especially in the management of religious relationships. Nevertheless, in some cases where the religious interests are treated in the second plan, it has to be noted that the coexistence of these religions in Haiti can be rich in symbol of peace and mutual understanding. Therefore, this research work seeks to understand the design of Christianity from the perspective of voodoo and vice versa, in the aim to see with accuracy the factors of acceptable (and inacceptable) differences and those that could be the basis of a possible interreligious Dialogue between Christianity and Voodoo in the Haitian context.To improve the relationship between the followers of the voodoo and Christians in Haiti, this work finally proposes some methods that can lead to a peaceful religious coexistence, toward more tolerant and a reciprocal knowledge and intelligent approach to the other. The goal of the dialogue presented in this dissertation is neither that Christianity and the Voodoo should work together in all points of view, nor even that they completely recognize mutually their belief, it is rather a proposal for a common life in peace, without slander and reciprocal stereotypes

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-11T17:31:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre.pdf: 1759324 bytes, checksum: ea190946b3ae43c723e47534697b5b9c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-09T17:28:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre.pdf: 1759324 bytes, checksum: ea190946b3ae43c723e47534697b5b9c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T17:28:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre.pdf: 1759324 bytes, checksum: ea190946b3ae43c723e47534697b5b9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Este trabalho de pesquisa busca enquadrar a religião no contexto histórico de desenvolvimento do homem para assim demonstrar o caráter universal da religiosidade e também para salientar o trajeto de intolerância e de lutas históricas no qual nasce o direito fundamental à liberdade religiosa. A partir desta premissa este trabalho busca destacar as diferenças entre o pensamento religioso e o filosófico para assim fundamentar a autonomia da religião de modo a permitir a proteção da liberdade em apreço. As características da cultura são realçadas a fim de demonstrar que a transmissão de hábitos e práticas não-inatas pode tanto beneficiar quanto prejudicar o desenvolvimento da religião. A noção de cultura de empresa auxilia esta pesquisa no sentido de melhor enquadrar as hipóteses em que frequentemente são violados os direitos do trabalhador inclusive o seu direito ao livre exercício da religião. Este exercício da religiosidade é um direito fundamental encartado na Constituição Federal. Posto isso imperiosa a análise das teorias interpretativas que justificam as soluções racionais para os conflitos entre princípios jurídicos. A presente pesquisa se pauta na Teoria dos princípios e na Teoria das restrições de Robert Alexy para justificar o uso da técnica da ponderação de bens e interesses a qual se revela adequada na busca por respostas racionais que solucionem o conflito entre essas normas. Desta maneira permite-se aventar a hipótese de vinculação dos particulares aos direitos fundamentais pugnando-se pelo uso de tais teorias no contexto das relações de trabalho. E é precisamente no contexto dessas relações que o conflito entre direitos fundamentais se torna ainda mais grave em virtude da subordinação jurídica que vincula o trabalhador propiciando a violação a diversos direitos fundamentais que lhe são garantidos. / Salvador

Submitted by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2018-07-25T14:43:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JAMILE SEIXAS- Dissertação de Jamile_completa_revisada.pdf: 1275137 bytes, checksum: 834eadc9c9f40141a7aba37a315e9bf1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2018-07-25T14:44:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 JAMILE SEIXAS- Dissertação de Jamile_completa_revisada.pdf: 1275137 bytes, checksum: 834eadc9c9f40141a7aba37a315e9bf1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-25T14:44:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JAMILE SEIXAS- Dissertação de Jamile_completa_revisada.pdf: 1275137 bytes, checksum: 834eadc9c9f40141a7aba37a315e9bf1 (MD5) / A presente dissertação foi desenvolvida no intuito de demonstrar que a teoria estadunidense do dever da acomodação razoável, o duty of reasonable accommodation, pode ser recepcionada no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro como instrumento de efetividade do direito fundamental à liberdade de consciência e de crença, principalmente quando revestida pela liberdade religiosa a ser exercida na relação de emprego. Sendo a religião uma convicção subconsciente de quem a possui, impossível que dela o homem se dissocie no ambiente de emprego, pelo que deve ser respeitada e tolerada, mas desde que seu exercício não implique prejuízos excessivos e desarmonia ambiental. Nesse espeque, dita teoria mostra-se como a melhor técnica de sopesamento entre os direitos fundamentais à livre iniciativa e à propriedade privada em circunstância conflituosa com o exercício da liberdade religiosa, servindo de parâmetro às alterações contratuais do vínculo empregatício, moldadas pela legislação trabalhista. Assim, práticas de cunho religioso como proselitismo, escusa de consciência e mudança de credo devem ser acomodadas, porém, em consonância com os limites nucleares dos direitos fundamentais em voga. A pretensão especial dessa pesquisa é demonstrar que o dever da acomodação razoável é a instrumentalização mais equilibrada da aplicabilidade dos direitos fundamentais sobre as relações privadas, devendo por isso ser difundida no Brasil por representar também, mesmo que indiretamente, a redução das práticas intolerantes e discriminatórias. / The present dissertation was developed in order to demonstrate that the American theory of the duty of reasonable accommodation, the duty of reasonable accommodation, can be accepted in the Brazilian legal system as an instrument of effectiveness of the fundamental right to freedom of conscience and belief, especially when coated religious freedom to be exercised in the employment relationship. Since religion is a subconscious conviction of who possesses it, it is impossible for man to dissociate himself from the environment of employment, so he must be respected and tolerated, but provided that his exercise does not entail excessive harm and environmental disharmony. In this context, this theory is shown as the best technique for balancing the fundamental rights to free initiative and private property in a situation that conflicts with the exercise of religious freedom, serving as a parameter to the contractual changes in the employment relationship, shaped by labor legislation. Thus, religious practices such as proselytism, conscientious objection and change of creed should be accommodated, however, in line with the core limits of fundamental rights in vogue. The special claim of this research is to demonstrate that the duty of reasonable accommodation is the most balanced instrumentalization of the applicability of fundamental rights over private relations, and should therefore be diffused in Brazil because it also represents, even indirectly, the reduction of intolerant and discriminatory practices .

O Brasil é um país laico, tendo adotado esta condição a partir do período republicano, iniciado com a Constituição de 1891. Desde 1946, foi assegurada a imunidade religiosa para os templos de qualquer culto, o que significa dizer que as igrejas são livres da cobrança de impostos sobre seu patrimônio, renda e serviços vinculados às suas atividades essenciais. Considerando o exposto, esta Dissertação discute problemas relacionados à imunidade religiosa, partindo da laicidade religiosa, com análise das constituições brasileiras e legislações relacionadas com o tema, tendo como foco a administração tributária, incluindo a fiscalização e execução da lei. / Brazil is a secular country, and has adopted this condition since the Republican period, which began with the 1891 Constitution. Since 1946, religious immunity has been assured to the temples of any belief, which means that churches are free of charge taxes on its assets and income tied to their core activities. Considering the above, this study discusses issues related with religious immunity, from religious secularism, with examination of Brazilian constitutions and related legislation on the subject, focusing tax administration, including the supervision and law execution.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O Comitê Nacional de Respeito à Diversidade Religiosa (CNRDR) é um colegiado, criado em 2014, no âmbito da Secretaria de Direitos Humanos da Presidência da República (SDH/PR). O órgão surge com o objetivo de auxiliar a SDH/PR na elaboração de políticas de afirmação e direito à liberdade e diversidade religiosa, atendendo ao Plano Nacional de Diretos Humanos III (PNDH-3) no campo da promoção do respeito às diferentes crenças, liberdade de culto e garantia da laicidade do Estado. Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo observar o funcionamento do discurso político do CNRDR. São seus objetivos específicos: expor o contexto histórico-político de surgimento do CNRDR; situar conceitualmente a correlação entre as noções de laicidade, direitos humanos e políticas públicas no cenário político brasileiro; analisar os processos discursivos presentes no discurso do comitê. Adotou-se como marco teórico e metodológico do trabalho a Análise do Discurso de linha francesa (AD). Para compor o corpus de análise, selecionaram-se sequências discursivas extraídas de sete atas e quatro notas públicas emitidas nos anos de 2014, 2015 e 2016 pelo CNRDR. Parte-se do pressuposto de que, sob a impressão de transparência da linguagem, o discurso político oculta que o seu sentido é sempre dividido, e que essa divisão não é indiferente às injunções das relações de força que provêm da forma da sociedade na história. Tendo por base esse dispositivo teórico-metodológico, as seguintes questões de pesquisa foram formuladas: que formações discursivas e ideológicas sustentam o discurso político do CNRDR? Qual é o panorama sócio-histórico em que o discurso do colegiado emerge? Que outros discursos presentes no interdiscurso atravessam a discursivização do comitê? Por meio desses questionamentos, pretende-se compreender os efeitos de sentido gerados pelo discurso do comitê e identificar como a noção de diversidade religiosa é concebida pelo CNRDR. Nesse sentido, percebeu-se que o discurso do CNRDR é decorrente de uma formação discursiva dominante, a formação discursiva em direitos humanos e diversidade religiosa ( FD(dhdr) ). Ela cauciona o modo como a diversidade religiosa é concebida pelo comitê, isto é, legitimada no campo das políticas públicas como um valor pertencente aos direitos humanos. A FD(dhdr) também intervém enquanto componente de duas formações ideológicas (FI) específicas que estão em embate, a FI da diferença e a FI da unidade. Essas instâncias remetem à relação ideológica entre democracia e república no âmbito da política. Na FI da diferença, privilegia-se a individualidade como fator primordial para constituição dos sentidos da política, já na FI da unidade, tem-se o coletivo como elemento fundador dos sentidos na política. Essas FIs estabelecem entre si uma relação de conflito e aliança, uma vez que articulam e estruturam no interior da FD(dhdr) os direitos humanos, que possuem uma perspectiva universalista da noção de direitos, e a concepção de diversidade religiosa, que prima pela individualidade e pelas diferenças religiosas e culturais. Como resultado, foi possível perceber que, sob a impressão de transparência da linguagem, os sentidos do político estão sempre divididos no discurso do CNRDR, sendo a diversidade religiosa uma noção heterogênea e aberta que torna a inserção da dimensão religiosa possível no âmbito das políticas públicas em direitos humanos. / The Comitê Nacional de Respeito à Diversidade Religiosa (CNRDR) is a collegiate created in 2014, under the Secretaria de Direitos Humanos da Presidência da República (SDH/PR). The CNRDR appears with the aim of helping the SDH / PR in the development of public policies and the right to religious freedom and diversity, attending the Plano Nacional de Diretos Humanos III (PNDH-3) in the field of promoting respect for different beliefs, freedom of worship and guarantee the laïcité of the State. This research aims to observe the functioning of the CNRDR's political discourse. It had as specific objectives: to contextualize the emergence of CNRDR; conceptually situating the correlation between the notions of laïcité, human rights and public policy in the Brazilian democratic setting; analyze the discursive processes present in the committee's speech. The French Line Discourse Analysis (AD) was adopted as the theoretical and methodological framework of the study. To compose the analysis corpus, we selected discursive sequences extracted from seven minutes and four public notices issued in the years 2014, 2015 and 2016 by the CNRDR. It is assumed that, under the impression of transparency of language, political discourse conceals that its meaning is always divided, and that this division is not indifferent to the injunctions of the relations of force that prove the form of society in history. In this sense, it was perceived that the discourse of the CNRDR is determinant of a dominant discursive formation, the discursive formation in human rights and religious diversity ( FD (dhdr) ). It captures the way in which religious diversity is conceived by the committee, that is, legitimized in the field of public policies as a value pertaining to human rights. The FD (dhdr) also intervenes as a component of two specific ideological formations (FI) that are in conflict, the FI of the difference and the FI of the unit. These instances refer to the ideological relation between democracy and republic in the scope of politics. In the IF of difference, individuality is privileged as a primordial factor for the constitution of the meanings of politics, already in the FI of unity, we have the collective as a founding element of the senses in politics. These FIs establish a relationship of conflict and alliance between them, since they articulate and structure within the FD (dhdr) human rights, which have a universalist perspective of the notion of rights, and the concept of religious diversity, which emphasizes individuality and religious and cultural differences. As a result, it was possible to perceive that, under the impression of transparency of the language, the senses of the politician are always divided in the discourse of the CNRDR, being the religious diversity a heterogeneous and open notion that makes the insertion of the religious dimension possible in the scope of public policies human rights.