In early 1530, the lay preacher and recent Anabaptist convert Melchior Hoffman published a series of seventy-seven visions by the Strasbourg butcher’s wife Ursula Jost. In its own day this series of visions, which is the longest extant sixteenth-century document written from the perspective of an Anabaptist woman, attracted the attention of Strasbourg’s authorities and became popular among Dutch Anabaptists who followed Hoffman. In the twentieth century the visions have been studied by Klaus Deppermann and Lois Barrett, who came to widely diverging conclusions on Ursula’s values and her place in the Anabaptist movement. Deppermann saw her as an angry, even bloodthirsty woman whose visions revealed “a murderous hatred of existing society” and inspired violent actions of the part of other Anabaptists, while Barrett argued that Ursula’s visions reflected “the Anabaptist-Mennonite ethic of establishing the reign of God nonviolently.” In light of the radically different conclusions reached by Deppermann and Barrett, this study conducts a fresh re-examination of the visions of Ursula Jost in order to determine what Ursula’s example reveals about sixteenth-century Anabaptism. It investigates her relationship to her own city of Strasbourg, the broader Anabaptist movement in the sixteenth century, and the breadth of the late medieval religious tradition in which Ursula and her contemporaries were raised. Contra Barrett’s claim that Ursula’s visions uphold a nonviolent Anabaptist-Mennonite ethic, this study argues that, while Ursula belongs to the Anabaptist tradition, she does not belong to the Mennonite tradition. Instead, her example illustrates the diversity and heterogeneity of the first Anabaptists in contrast to the relative homogeneity of the Hutterite, Mennonite, and Swiss Brethren traditions that survived past the mid-sixteenth century, as well as the indebtedness of the Anabaptist religious tradition to the late medieval religious tradition that preceded it.

<p>This dissertation draws on recent historical-critical research into ancient Jewish temple theology, the priestly book of Leviticus, and especially the Yom Kippur liturgy of Leviticus 16, to develop a more paradoxical interpretation of Christ?s saving work for modern Christian systematic theology. Prompted by the pioneering research of Jacob Milgrom, there has been a surge in sympathetic interpretations of the priestly theological tradition, which has inspired fresh interpretations of the Levitical Day of Atonement. I argue that an adequate Christian theory of atonement must be attentive to both the overall ?landscape? of Jewish biblical thought, and to the specific rhythm of the Yom Kippur liturgy, which clearly distinguishes the ?work? of two goats?one elected to be a spotless sacrifice, the other called to bear the sins of Israel into the wilderness. Christian theology should observe this distinction within the united saving work of Jesus Christ. Yet modern interpretations of the cross often implicitly emphasize one ?goat? or the other. For example, we find a ?goat for the Lord? soteriology in the Anselmian satisfaction tradition, which has been beautifully rearticulated by David Bentley Hart; here Christ?s spotless sacrificial obedience recapitulates creation done well. In the controversial ?descent to hell? theology of Hans Urs von Balthasar, on the other hand, there is a ?goat for Azazel? soteriology; here Christ as the sin-bearing goat removes impurity to the furthest possible distance from the Father through his saving descent. By seeing Christ as fulfilling the work of both goats in his single act of cruciform love, the Catholic tradition can better draw on the ancient Jewish insight that atonement requires a unifying movement toward the center, to the holy of holies, as well as a removal of sin to the far periphery, the godforsaken exilic wilderness. This work is rooted in the conviction that, first, Christian theology should always honor, and remain in deep conversation with, its Jewish roots, and second, that advances in historical-critical research should be utilized to cultivate a modern theological interpretation of scripture, all in the service of a richer, more ecumenical understanding of the basic paradoxes of Catholic soteriology.

<p> The Roman-Sasanian War of the seventh century CE was the last conflict of late antiquity. <i>&Scaron;ahan&scaron;ah</i> Xusr&omacr; II nearly conquered the Roman Empire. James Howard-Johnston has studied the war extensively. Walter Kaegi has produced a biography of Xusr&omacr; II's opponent, Heraclius, while Geoffrey Greatrex and Touraj Daryaee have written articles focusing on Xusr&omacr; II. Scholars, however, have not attempted a major study of him. This dissertation seeks not only to understand how different authors depicted Xusr&omacr; II but to understand the man's personality. </p><p> Roman authors who witnessed the war sought to highlight only the negative aspects of Xusr&omacr; II. He was, according to the Romans, an enemy of God. Fear of Xusr&omacr; II was the basis for these depictions. Pseudo-Seb&emacr;os, an Armenian historian, depicted Xusr&omacr; II as an arrogant, blasphemous ruler. Pseudo-Seb&emacr;os, however, did not write anything positive about the Romans, either, because both the Romans and Sasanians wanted to control Armenia. </p><p> Christians living under Xusr&omacr; II's rulership also seemed to despise him. They portray Xusr&omacr; II as wicked because, in an attempt to punish them, he did not let allow them to elect a ruler. A careful reading of these sources, however, suggests these authors were aware of how Xusr&omacr; II took care of Christians in his realm. Finally, Arab and Persian sources differ in their portrayals of Xusr&omacr; II because both groups, although both Muslim, were competing for legitimacy in the post-Islamic conquest of Iran, due to ethnic tensions. Arab authors emphasized Xusr&omacr; II's faults. Persian authors, on the other hand, presented his good qualities. </p><p> Ultimately, all of these different depictions of Xusr&omacr; II demonstrate that he possessed a fierce will and embraced a vision of how to rule. Xusr&omacr; II wanted to conquer the Romans and extend his domain and be remembered forever. Xusr&omacr; II's drive might have made him seem arrogant to the authors studied in this dissertation, and they depicted him accordingly. We should not, however, lose sight of the man he truly was: a man who dared to dream.</p>

<p> Throughout the centuries, Mary Magdalene has occupied a unique position within the religious history of the West as the woman who has carried the collective Shadow of Christianity. In every epoch, Mary Magdalene stands at the crossroads of cultural tension and psychological paradox, holding countless images, projections and societal concerns, inspiring millions of acts of devotion and masterworks of art and music.</p><p> This dissertation explores the mythology of Mary Magdalene from her earliest appearances as the faithful witness, disciple and apostle in the New Testament and apocryphal gospels through her later legends as a prostitute, contemplative hermit, princess and priestess, with particular attention paid to artistic and musical portrayals. I suggest that the emerging composite portrait of the 21st century is a healing image of wholeness that integrates all four aspects of the female psyche articulated by Toni Wolff (the Hetaira, Mother, Medial and Amazon) and that Mary Magdalene points the way to a reclamation of the sacred feminine and a reinvigoration of spiritual life.</p><p> Magdalene as an icon and mirror of cultural transformation is evident in recent contemporary classical music works, particularly in Mark Adamo's opera <i>The Gospel of Mary Magdalene.</i> My experiences as resident mythologist for the San Francisco Opera during the world premiere of this work form the basis for my observations of the enormous transformational impact of images and stories of Mary Magdalene drawn from the apocryphal gospels and Gnostic tradition. Magdalene as woman who embodies <i>anthropos</i>, or full humanity, has become a catalyzing bridge for individual personal development and communities of diverse scholars and seekers.</p><p> This dissertation culminates with a multimedia dramatic production inspired by Medieval mystery plays. <i>The Passion of Mary Magdalene</i> interweaves Taize chants, instrumental music of Estonian composer Arvo Part, traditional Christian hymns and my original compositions with a text drawn from both the Canonical Gospel and the <i>Gospel of Mary</i> and includes images taken from pilgrimages to Mary Magdalene sites in France. </p><p> Key words: Magdalene- Christian spirituality- Gnostic-Sacred Feminine- Toni Wolff- Carl Jung</p>

<p> This dissertation focuses on religious processions in Athens in the late 6^th and 5^th centuries BCE, when the evidence for processions and festivals first becomes abundant enough to study fruitfully. The built sacred landscape of Athens was beginning to take shape, and Athenian identity was being reshaped under the influence of the Persian Wars, Athens&rsquo; imperial ambitions, and the new popularity of Theseus. Processions traced defined routes in this landscape, forming physical links between center and periphery, displaying numerous symbols which possessed special significance for Athenians and which were part of Athenians&rsquo; cultural memory and collective identity. </p><p> Processions were intense, subjective sensory experiences, full of symbols with deep religious and cultural significance. They were also public performances, opportunities for participants to show off both their piety and their wealth, to perform their membership in the Athenian community, and perhaps to gain social capital or prominence. Not least, processions were movements through a landscape embedded with myths, history, cultural associations, and the connotations of daily lived experience. Previous studies of processions have focused on one of these three aspects&mdash;symbols, participants, or route&mdash;without fully taking account of the others, failing to provide a comprehensive theoretical framework or analysis of these ritual movements. All of these elements&mdash;symbols, participants, and route&mdash;were deliberately chosen, designed to impart particular experiences and meanings to participants and spectators. This dissertation will thus ask why particular symbols, participants, and routes were chosen and explore as many of their potential meanings as possible, considering the myths, cultural associations, and areas of daily life where these elements appeared. </p><p> The repetition of processions is vital to understanding their cultural resonance. Spectators could see the processions multiple times over the course of their lives, and draw new conclusions or interpretations as they gained life experience, learned new stories or myths, and as the collective discourse around Athenian religion created new meanings&mdash;for example, in the aftermath of the Persian Wars. This repetition also reinforced the meanings that these symbols already possessed for Athenians. </p><p> Fran&ccedil;ois de Polignac&rsquo;s bipolar <i>polis</i> theory, which inspired many aspects of this dissertation, characterized processions as ritual &lsquo;links&rsquo; in the landscape connecting center and periphery. This is essentially correct, but in Classical Athens, there were multiple peripheries and a whole calendar full of processions and sacred travel to festivals, the performance of which constructed and maintained the idea of Athens as a spatially and culturally unified territory. Therefore I propose instead the multipolar <i>polis</i> model, which provides a richer and more comprehensive view of the web of connections which linked Athens to her peripheries. These connections included the state-run festivals put on at the major extraurban sanctuaries; the monumental temples and other facilities constructed with state money; the fortifications constructed at or near the sanctuaries, protecting the strategic interests of the state; and the mythical, historical, and ideological significance of these sacred places and their deities. Whether participants traveled to these sanctuaries in a formal procession or via less-organized sacred travel, their movement through the landscape reinforced their associations with it and with the destination sanctuary. </p><p> Processions were complex rituals with many functions. They displayed culturally-significant symbols to participants and spectators, reinforcing their meaning. They provided a stage for participants to perform their status and wealth. They traced a defined route through the landscape of Attica, linking center and periphery, taking participants past a series of meaningful places, buildings, and art. All of these elements&mdash;symbols, people, and places&mdash;drew their meanings from shared myths, rituals, history, and the experience of daily life. The repetition of processions reinforced these meanings in the minds of Athenians, and allowed them to change as Athenian identity changed (and vice versa). It is these threads of common cultural memory, myths and associations that an Athenian could depend on his or her fellow Athenians to remember and understand, and which Athenians wove together in their writings, speeches, plays, and rituals to form their common identity.</p>

In early 1530, the lay preacher and recent Anabaptist convert Melchior Hoffman published a series of seventy-seven visions by the Strasbourg butcher’s wife Ursula Jost. In its own day this series of visions, which is the longest extant sixteenth-century document written from the perspective of an Anabaptist woman, attracted the attention of Strasbourg’s authorities and became popular among Dutch Anabaptists who followed Hoffman. In the twentieth century the visions have been studied by Klaus Deppermann and Lois Barrett, who came to widely diverging conclusions on Ursula’s values and her place in the Anabaptist movement. Deppermann saw her as an angry, even bloodthirsty woman whose visions revealed “a murderous hatred of existing society” and inspired violent actions of the part of other Anabaptists, while Barrett argued that Ursula’s visions reflected “the Anabaptist-Mennonite ethic of establishing the reign of God nonviolently.” In light of the radically different conclusions reached by Deppermann and Barrett, this study conducts a fresh re-examination of the visions of Ursula Jost in order to determine what Ursula’s example reveals about sixteenth-century Anabaptism. It investigates her relationship to her own city of Strasbourg, the broader Anabaptist movement in the sixteenth century, and the breadth of the late medieval religious tradition in which Ursula and her contemporaries were raised. Contra Barrett’s claim that Ursula’s visions uphold a nonviolent Anabaptist-Mennonite ethic, this study argues that, while Ursula belongs to the Anabaptist tradition, she does not belong to the Mennonite tradition. Instead, her example illustrates the diversity and heterogeneity of the first Anabaptists in contrast to the relative homogeneity of the Hutterite, Mennonite, and Swiss Brethren traditions that survived past the mid-sixteenth century, as well as the indebtedness of the Anabaptist religious tradition to the late medieval religious tradition that preceded it.

<p> Ever since an influential study conducted by Pio Franchi de' Cavalieri in the early twentieth century, the Greek <i>Martyrdom</i> of Clement text has been acknowledged as a translation of the original Latin <i> Passio Sancti Clementis</i> text. Yet despite this discovery, very little work has been done to advance the frontier of knowledge on the Latin text itself over the last one hundred years. This work seeks to correct this oversight. </p><p> This work revisits the last Latin critical edition of the <i>Passio </i> text published by F. Diekamp in 1913, two years prior to Cavalieri's study. Given Diekamp's preferential treatment to the Greek <i>Martyrdom </i> as the original, this paper collates additional manuscript witnesses against Diekamp's <i>Passio</i> text, offers some conjectural textual emendations, postulates a stemma diagram of the Latin tradition, and provides an English translation to the improved text.</p><p>

<p> Carl Bear This study considers the ways in which the complex debates about appropriate Christian funeral practices in late fourth-century Antioch indicated some of the ways in which Christians' ritual practices embodied their theological beliefs and enacted their religious identities. Sources used to study Christian funerals include the homilies of John Chrysostom, the orations of Libanius, the church order known as <i>Apostolic Constitutions </i>, the historiographic and hagiographic work of Theodoret, and archaeological remains. The analysis of the sources utilizes methods of liturgical history that focus on the perspectives and experiences of ordinary worshipers, and attends to the biases and limitations inherent in the historical record. It also places Christian funeral practices in the context of larger questions surrounding religious identity and ritual in Antioch, especially within the Christian cult of the saints and eucharistic liturgies.</p><p> Ordinary Christians and church leaders in fourth-century Antioch had different ideas about how to Christianize their funerals. Criticism from church authorities that Christians' funeral practices were inconsistent with Christian faith in the resurrection were one-sided. Instead, it seems that ordinary Christians had their own ideas about appropriate ways to care for their dead ritually. Especially in the case of mourning and other contested practices, Christians were giving expression to their human emotions of bereavement, loss, and concern for the dead in culturally prescribed ways. Church leaders, such as John Chrysostom., however, desired Christian funeral practices that exhibited fewer cultural influences and that distinctly demonstrated Christian belief in the resurrection in all aspects of the ritual.</p><p>

After providing a survey of related literature and of Protestant antecedents in Colombia during the colonial and early national periods, the dissertation examines the expansion of foreign missions in Colombia during the early twentieth century. The main body of the work describes various aspects of Protestant life after 1930, including life stages, self-image, construction of community, and societal responses. Although many Colombians reacted adversely to Protestants, a general atmosphere of tolerance is evident. Protestants suffered greatly during the mid-century Violence, but not to an unusual extent in comparison to Colombians in general. However, the Protestants' oppositional religious identity and their sense of vulnerability during that period made their psychological experience of the Violence somewhat unusual. Through the end of the twentieth century, Protestantism provided an oppositional space in which many Colombians found a sense of security, empowerment and optimism in the face of tremendous challenges in a violent land.

This project uses convention documents to explore the relationship between a progressive religious movement and America’s progressive political party. The Social Gospel Movement rose in the early twentieth century as a response to modern industrial realities. It sought the Kingdom of Heaven on earth through progressive policy and church action. It supported the national progressive party of its era, the Republican Party. As the Democratic Party became America’s national progressive party, following the New Deal era, it failed to integrate the Social Gospel into its midst and has since experienced difficulty mobilizing religious voters and defining the sacred. Contemporary Democrats, religious scholars, and clergymen call on the Democratic Party to connect either with a revitalized Social Gospel or some similar religious tradition. These calls make sense in the context of the competing Republican Party’s successes relating to traditional and conservative Protestant voters. However, through an examination of convention speeches, party platforms, and politician-clergy relations, this project attempts to explain the historical inability of the Democratic Party to connect meaningfully with a religious movement- even one seemingly tailor-made like the Social Gospel Movement.