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The contract of mandatum and the notion of amicitia in the Roman RepublicDeere, Andrew G. (Andrew Graham) January 1994 (has links)
The contract of mandatum in Roman law, unlike its namesake in modern civil law legal systems, was not a contract of representation or agency. It was a contract of gratuitous performance of services for others. According to Corpus luris Civilis it was a contract which drew its origin from the duties of friendship. This paper examines certain rules of mandatum and compares them with a similar legal institution known as procuratio and concludes that friendship must indeed have been the origin of the contract. The paper then examines various aspects of friendship in Roman society, and concludes that social custom cannot have been the sole basis for the creation of the contract. The philosophical and ethical views of Cicero and Seneca are then considered. From the works of these two authors two lines of thought regarding friendship are deduced: friendships are to be entered into for their own sake, or friendships are to be entered into for the benefits that will ensue. The former is the 'noble' view of friendship, the latter the 'utilitarian'. The author concludes after a reexamination of the rules of mandatum that the 'noble' view provides a better answer to the question of why mandatum was created by the Roman jurists.
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The contract of mandatum and the notion of amicitia in the Roman RepublicDeere, Andrew G. (Andrew Graham) January 1994 (has links)
No description available.
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Gender and public image in imperial RomeMcCullough, Anna January 2007 (has links)
Roman gender was often defined and regulated visually – that is, if and under what conditions a woman or man appeared in public, through personal appearance, or through representations in art or literature. In this discourse on gender, the gaze (especially the public’s) was thus an important agent in helping not only to shape gender ideals, but also the direction and function of the discourse itself. The emperor affected these precepts because of his appropriation of public space and his control of the gaze: as the most powerful and high-ranking member of society, no one could be more visible than him, and his own gaze was unlimited: he was all-seeing and all-visible. As befitting these attributes of imperial office, public space became his domain, and he placed limitations on the expression of public images in this space. This therefore affected gender by limiting the ways in which it could be expressed and proved. Within the changed discourse, the emperor was the alpha male, the most masculine man in Roman society, and controlled public space and access to the gaze. Aristocratic males thus suffered a crisis in masculinity, and were forced to find alternate sources of masculinity from the traditional ones of gaining virtus through military service, public oratory and service, and public competition for gloria. In response, some still valued the traditions of military and service to the res publica, but no longer made public expression or competition of virtus as a precondition for its legitimacy or existence – in effect de-linking masculinity from the public sphere. Another response turned to the private sphere for inspiration, finding role models for virtus in ideal women and stressing a man’s behavior in the home as important in judgments on his masculinity. Femininity did not suffer such changes or crisis. Feminine ideals remained relatively stable, but with a few minor changes: imperial women were held to a stricter standard of traditional femininity to prevent their intrusion into imperial power, and their public activities were either low-profile or focused around the family. Aristocratic women had more scope for public activities, which enhanced their femininity but were not prerequisites for being a good woman: that is, it was not necessary for a woman to possess and maintain a public image for her to be feminine.
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Portrait busts of Roman women in the third century ADAckers, Helen Inge January 2016 (has links)
The purpose of this dissertation is to conduct a comprehensive study of Roman women's portrait busts of the third century AD. The free-standing portrait bust forms a discrete historical category through which to trace developments in third-century women's portraiture. The high-status, commemorative tradition of the bust and the durability of this format, which could be displayed and utilised in a large range of different contexts, made this an important portrait genre for women in the third century. These busts consequently offer powerful insight into the ideological function and status of Roman women in the third century. By placing third-century women's busts in the context of their form, history and provenance, I hope to create a methodology that allows me to ascertain the ancient intention of these portraits. My hypothesis is that, while elements of self-styling and bust-format reveal innovation, the moral vocabulary of Empire as presented in women's portrait busts did not change dramatically in the third century. I will argue that these portraits reflect the heightened ideological status of certain forms of Roman femininity in this period. Rather than being expressive of spiritual escapism or emotional turmoil women's portrait busts functioned as a means of re-confirming the Roman rhetoric of feminine virtue in the third century.
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The horse in Roman societyLawrie, Margaret Ruth 30 November 2005 (has links)
This dissertation presents an investigation of the place of the horse in Roman society,
within the context of its roles as equus publicus, which derived ultimately from that of the cavalry mount, and race-horse. Consideration of the ceremonial role of the horse
provides a clearer understanding of the value placed upon horses and horsemanship in
the Roman world, thus permitting inferences to be drawn regarding the role played by the
horse in the development of the equester ordo. Evidence is drawn from both literary and
archaeological sources to shed light on the management and training of the horses of
equestrian Rome. Chariot racing is also re-examined from the perspective of its equine
players, and evidence is drawn from various sources to provide a more complete picture
of the Roman horse-racing industry as a social structure. The importance of the racehorse
in Roman society is examined and the symbolism of the victorious horse as
represented in Roman art is discussed. / Classics & Modern European Languages / M.A. (Ancient Languages and Cultures)
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The horse in Roman societyLawrie, Margaret Ruth 30 November 2005 (has links)
This dissertation presents an investigation of the place of the horse in Roman society,
within the context of its roles as equus publicus, which derived ultimately from that of the cavalry mount, and race-horse. Consideration of the ceremonial role of the horse
provides a clearer understanding of the value placed upon horses and horsemanship in
the Roman world, thus permitting inferences to be drawn regarding the role played by the
horse in the development of the equester ordo. Evidence is drawn from both literary and
archaeological sources to shed light on the management and training of the horses of
equestrian Rome. Chariot racing is also re-examined from the perspective of its equine
players, and evidence is drawn from various sources to provide a more complete picture
of the Roman horse-racing industry as a social structure. The importance of the racehorse
in Roman society is examined and the symbolism of the victorious horse as
represented in Roman art is discussed. / Classics and Modern European Languages / M.A. (Ancient Languages and Cultures)
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Self-Presentation and Identity in the Roman Empire, ca. 30 BCE to 225 CEOrizaga, Rhiannon Ysabel-Marie 23 July 2013 (has links)
The presentation of the body in early imperial Rome can be viewed as the manipulation of a semiotic language of dress, in which various hierarchies that both defined and limited human experience were entrenched. The study of Roman self-presentation illuminates the intersections of categories of identity, as well as the individual's desire and ability to resist essentializing views of Romanness (Romanitas), and to transform destiny through transforming identity. These categories of identity include gender; sexuality or sexual behavior; social status; economic status; ethnicity or place of origin; religion; and age. Applying the model of a matrix of identity deepens our appreciation for the work of self-presentation and its ultimate purposes. In this paper the practices and products used by Romans are described as vital indicators of self-identification, and as segues into Roman social semiotics, providing a more complete view of the possibilities for life in early imperial Rome. In the introduction, the use of queer theory and the function of the matrix model are outlined. Haircare, the maintenance of facial and bodily hair, the use of cosmetics, perfumes, skincare products, and beauty tools, the accessorizing of the body with jewelry, color, and pattern, and the display of these behaviors are examined in the main body chapters. The conclusion discusses the relevance of the matrix model to self-presentation studies in general and possible future uses.
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The role and position of women in Roman North African SocietyDe Marre, Martine Elizabeth Agnès 30 November 2002 (has links)
In this thesis I have endeavoured to throw light on both the private and public aspect of the lives of women
living in the Roman African provinces from the first century BC to the seventh century AD. Funerary
inscriptions reveal that the role of women in private life was projected in a manner which reflected the ideals
for Roman womanhood (pudicitia, castilas,fides and fecunditas), even when they clearly came of Afro~Punic
stock. In terms of the quality of their lives Roman African women of the propertied status groups (about whom
we know the most) had a good standard of living compared to other parts of the Roman Empire, and for example
were well~educated in the urbanized areas compared to provinces such as Gaul. Roman African women of the
elite also enjoyed a degree of autonomy enhanced by the increased financial independence granted to them in
terms of Roman law, which enabled them to function as benefactors in their communities in the same way as
their male counterparts, donating money for temples, baths and markets. In return for this they were duly
recognized in honorary inscriptions by their communities. Although this public role may appear to be in conflict
with the 'ideal' domestic or private role of the Roman matron, this activity was sanctioned by the fact that they
were acting in the interests of male family members who were engaged in municipal careers. In the 2nd and 3rd
centuries there are a few signs that women were beginning to act more in their own interests, but much of their
public role faded with the increasing dominance of the Christian Church which prescribed a more limited role
for women. The only exceptions occurred in the times of persecution through the temporary prominence gained
by women as martyrs and confessors, although this prominence cannot be said to have advantaged women in
general. During the Vandal and Byzantine period we know of only a few women, primarily those with
connections to the elite at Rome and Constantinople, who acted with the independence and authority of their class. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (Ancient History)
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The role and position of women in Roman North African SocietyDe Marre, Martine Elizabeth Agnès 30 November 2002 (has links)
In this thesis I have endeavoured to throw light on both the private and public aspect of the lives of women
living in the Roman African provinces from the first century BC to the seventh century AD. Funerary
inscriptions reveal that the role of women in private life was projected in a manner which reflected the ideals
for Roman womanhood (pudicitia, castilas,fides and fecunditas), even when they clearly came of Afro~Punic
stock. In terms of the quality of their lives Roman African women of the propertied status groups (about whom
we know the most) had a good standard of living compared to other parts of the Roman Empire, and for example
were well~educated in the urbanized areas compared to provinces such as Gaul. Roman African women of the
elite also enjoyed a degree of autonomy enhanced by the increased financial independence granted to them in
terms of Roman law, which enabled them to function as benefactors in their communities in the same way as
their male counterparts, donating money for temples, baths and markets. In return for this they were duly
recognized in honorary inscriptions by their communities. Although this public role may appear to be in conflict
with the 'ideal' domestic or private role of the Roman matron, this activity was sanctioned by the fact that they
were acting in the interests of male family members who were engaged in municipal careers. In the 2nd and 3rd
centuries there are a few signs that women were beginning to act more in their own interests, but much of their
public role faded with the increasing dominance of the Christian Church which prescribed a more limited role
for women. The only exceptions occurred in the times of persecution through the temporary prominence gained
by women as martyrs and confessors, although this prominence cannot be said to have advantaged women in
general. During the Vandal and Byzantine period we know of only a few women, primarily those with
connections to the elite at Rome and Constantinople, who acted with the independence and authority of their class. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (Ancient History)
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Le Banquet et la "transformation du monde romain": entre Romanitas, Barbaritas et Christianisme :espace romain occidental, IVe-VIe siècle / Banquet and the "Transformation of the Roman World": between Romanitas, Barbaritas and Christianity :Western Roman World, 4th to 6th centuryRaga, Emmanuelle 24 June 2011 (has links)
Ma thèse se concentre sur la question de la transformation de la pratique du banquet classique face, d’une part, à la nouvelle situation sociopolitique découlant de l’installation des royaumes dits successeurs et de la dissolution des structures politiques classiques ;et d’autre part, face à l’intensification de ce que l’on appelle communément la « christianisation » du monde romain. Mes recherches concernent le monde romain occidental (Gaule, Italie et Espagne) à partir du moment où le discours ascétique oriental se diffuse massivement en occident dans la seconde moitié du IVe siècle, mettant fin à ce que Robert Markus appelle le « christianisme antique ». La question principale de ma thèse concerne le discours chrétien et ascétique qui porte sur les questions alimentaires et les réponses données par les groupes sociaux dont l’usage du banquet classique est suffisamment documenté. En l’occurrence les aristocrates (en ce compris les évêques), les communautés cénobitiques et le mouvement anachorétique. La seconde question abordée dans mes recherches est celle posée par la présence « barbare » et l’image du mangeur barbare en ces siècles de transition socioculturelle. Le terminus ante quem de mes recherches se situe à la fin du VIe siècle, en un monde romain désormais indubitablement transformé.<p><p><p> <p>La mia tesi si incentra sulla questione della trasformazione della pratica classica del banchetto nel confronto, da una parte con la nuova situazione sociale e politica dovuta all’insediamento dei regni post-romani, e, dall’altra, con l’intensificazione della cosiddetta “cristianizzazione” del mondo romano. La tesi riguarda lo spazio romano occidentale (cioè Gallia, Italia, Spagna) a partire dal momento in cui si diffonde la grande moda dell’ascetismo orientale dalla seconda metà del IV secolo. La questione principale della tesi, che occupa i capitoli tre e quattro, riguarda il discorso cristiano e ascetico sull’alimentazione e poi le risposte date dai gruppi sociali il cui uso del banchetto è documentato a sufficienza, in fatti specie gli aristocratici, il mondo monastico, e gli eremiti. I due primi capitoli riguardano, rispettivamente, la pratica del banchetto classico nella tarda antichità e la questione della presenza “barbara” e dell’immagine del mangiatore barbaro in quei secoli. La conclusione della tesi si colloca alla fine del VI secolo, in un momento in cui il mondo romano è indubbiamente trasformato.<p><p><p>My doctoral thesis concentrates on the question of the transformation of the classical banquet through the encounter with, on the one hand, the new sociopolitical situation due to the migration and installation of the new successor kingdoms ;and on the other hand, with the intensification of the Christianization of the Roman world. My research focuses on the Western Roman world (Gaul, Italy and Spain) from the moment in which the eastern ascetic discourse spreads widely in the West in the second half of the 4th century, causing what Robert Markus calls “The end of Ancient Christianity”. The main question of my thesis regards the Christian and ascetic discourse on food practices and the answers given by the social groups who’s uses of the banquet is documented enough. In this case, the aristocrats (within which the bishops), the monastic communities and the hermits. The second question taken into consideration in my thesis is the one presented by the “barbarian” presence and the literary image of the barbarian eater in these centuries of socio cultural transformation. The terminus ante quem of my research is placed at the end of the 6th century, in a undoubtly transformed Roman world. / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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