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Migration patterns in KwaZulu Natal, and the association with adult HIV infectionSacoor, Carfudin Nicos Jussub 03 February 2012 (has links)
M.Sc.(Med.) (Population Based Field Epidemiology) / Background
Assessing HIV incidence over time in a rural population, largely characterized by high levels of migration and
poverty is important to understand the dynamics of the spread of HIV infection. Understanding patterns of
HIV infection is a key to defining the appropriate strategies for prevention of the disease especially in areas
where information on HIV incidence is scarce, such as in Africa and South Africa in particular.
Objectives and methods
The main objective of this study is to measure the association between migration history and newly acquired
HIV infection by sex. The specific objectives are to: (i) quantify median distance of migration by members of
the cohort during the period of observation; (ii) measure the association between migration status and
acquisition of HIV infection among males and females study participants.
The current analysis is based on secondary data collected at the Africa Centre Demographic Surveillance
System (DSS) in South Africa. Women aged 15-49 years and men aged 15-54 years were enrolled in the study
and tested for HIV between 2003/5 and 2008. A Weibull survival model was used to determine the probability
of HIV infection, subject to migration and possible confounders.
Results
For external migration, the median of external in-migration distance was 53.9 km, with a lower quartile of 27
km and upper quartile of 204 km while the median of external out-migration distance was 104.7 km, with a
lower quartile of 52 km and upper quartile of 204 km. The total migration rate among males is 8.8 and for
females the rate is 8.2 per 100 person-years (PYO). The majority of external migrants moved to Durban, which
appeared to be the most important origin and destination for most migrants. Of the 9300 individuals enrolled in
this study, 699 sero-converted. The HIV incidence rate among non-migrants males was 2.0/100 PYO (95% CI,
1.7 – 2.3) and for non-migrants females was 4.1/100 PYO (95% CI, 3.8 – 4.5) while the HIV incidence rates
among migrants were higher for females in all categories: 2.0/100 PYO (95% CI, 1.3- 3.1) among internal
migrants, 3.8/100 PYO (95% CI, 1.7- 8.5) for external in-migrant and among external out-migrants the HIV
incidence rate was 3.2/100 PYO (95% CI, 2.3 – 4.5). For both genders, except internal migration showed a
significant risk of HIV acquisition, other types of migration showed no significant association with HIV
acquisition. Among other predictors, males who were in the age group 25-29 had the highest hazard of 3.75
times increased risk of HIV acquisition compared to the age group 15-19 [HR = 3.75, 95% CI (2.30 – 6.32), P
< 0.001]. Females aged 20-24 years had 43% increased risk of HIV acquisition compared to the those aged
15-19 years [HR = 1.43, 95% CI (1.13 – 1.79), P = 0.002]. For marital status, females who had never been
married and not engaged had 71% increased risk of HIV acquisition compared to those who were married,
[HR = 1.71, 95% CI (1.09 – 2.68), P = 0.019]. Females with conjugal partners who were always resident and
females with conjugal partners who were partial resident had a reduced risk of HIV acquisition of 41% [HR =
0.59, 95% CI (0.36 – 0.95), P = 0.031] and 38% [HR = 0.62, 95% CI (0.40 – 0.96), P = 0.034] respectively.
Conclusion
Rates of migration vary by age and gender in this cohort of repeat-testers of HIV. Younger individuals
migrated more often and the majority of migrants moved to urban centres close to the study area. In terms of
HIV incidence, for all covariates, females had higher rates of HIV acquisition than males. External migration
does not appear to increase HIV acquisition for this cohort of repeat-testers of HIV, and those who internally
migrated had a reduced risk of HIV acquisition. Based on these findings, public health efforts aimed at
controlling the spread of HIV infection in this cohort should target at socio-economic condition, sexual
behaviour and empowering of women in particular.
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Anthropocentric development evaluation : making people and their humanity the focus of development and its evaluationMarais, Mark Trevor 01 1900 (has links)
The need for an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation stems from the inability of development theory and praxis, which has informed the past Development Decades, to ameliorate abject poverty experienced by most people throughout the world. Emanating from a hermeneutical-interpretist epistemology the fundamental argument of an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation is that people and the crucial aspects of their humanity should be the central focus in development and evaluation processes. Thus, taking the people-centred approach to development as its starting point, an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation draws attention to the marginalised, particularly the poor, the rural poor, resource-poor primary producers, women and their households. An Anthropocentric Development Evaluation also argues for an actor-orientation to Development Evaluation to emphasise the situational, yet individual behaviour, of people. Alongside such an approach, lies the significance of culture and people's knowledge for development, as well as the limitations, risks, uncertainties and vulnerabilities people face as a consequence of their humanity. These may influence the extent to which they
participate in spontaneous or imposed development initiatives. An Anthropocentric Development Evaluation then comparatively assesses three sets of similar, yet different, methodologies using people and aspects of their humanity described above as the focus for that assessment. The methodologies assessed include Action
Research, Social Impact Assessment and the Complementary Rural Development Field Tools. The purpose of doing so is to obtain a suitable medium through which to test the focus of an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation in a development setting. The testing of an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation in a development setting is done first by providing an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation of aspects of life of people living in the community of Nyanyadu in KwaZulu-Natal. Social Impact Assessments using the focus of an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation are then made of two development initiatives in respect of the people of Nyanyadu. These two initiatives are a nutrition and social development programme and the national land reforms. The
purpose of all these evaluations is to examine the extent to which people and their humanity are seen to be crucial in development processes. / Development Administration / D.Litt. et Phil. (Development Administration)
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Anthropocentric development evaluation : making people and their humanity the focus of development and its evaluationMarais, Mark Trevor 01 1900 (has links)
The need for an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation stems from the inability of development theory and praxis, which has informed the past Development Decades, to ameliorate abject poverty experienced by most people throughout the world. Emanating from a hermeneutical-interpretist epistemology the fundamental argument of an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation is that people and the crucial aspects of their humanity should be the central focus in development and evaluation processes. Thus, taking the people-centred approach to development as its starting point, an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation draws attention to the marginalised, particularly the poor, the rural poor, resource-poor primary producers, women and their households. An Anthropocentric Development Evaluation also argues for an actor-orientation to Development Evaluation to emphasise the situational, yet individual behaviour, of people. Alongside such an approach, lies the significance of culture and people's knowledge for development, as well as the limitations, risks, uncertainties and vulnerabilities people face as a consequence of their humanity. These may influence the extent to which they
participate in spontaneous or imposed development initiatives. An Anthropocentric Development Evaluation then comparatively assesses three sets of similar, yet different, methodologies using people and aspects of their humanity described above as the focus for that assessment. The methodologies assessed include Action
Research, Social Impact Assessment and the Complementary Rural Development Field Tools. The purpose of doing so is to obtain a suitable medium through which to test the focus of an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation in a development setting. The testing of an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation in a development setting is done first by providing an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation of aspects of life of people living in the community of Nyanyadu in KwaZulu-Natal. Social Impact Assessments using the focus of an Anthropocentric Development Evaluation are then made of two development initiatives in respect of the people of Nyanyadu. These two initiatives are a nutrition and social development programme and the national land reforms. The
purpose of all these evaluations is to examine the extent to which people and their humanity are seen to be crucial in development processes. / Development Administration / D.Litt. et Phil. (Development Administration)
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Resettlement in the Border/Ciskei region of South Africa / Development Studies Working Paper, no. 67De Wet, C J, Lujabe, Phumeza, Metele, Nosipho January 1996 (has links)
This paper presents the findings of part of a research project entitled "Population Mobility and Settlement Patterns in the Eastern Cape, 1950 to 1990", which was funded by the Human Sciences Research Council. The part of the project with which this paper is concerned, is the study of resettlement in the Border/Ciskei area of the (new) Eastern Cape Province. It involves two main foci: a) the Whittlesea district of the former Ciskei, where research was done in the resettlement area of Sada (where findings are compared with research done there in 1981) and Dongwe; and b) the Fort Beaufort area, where we looked at the two 'black spot' communities of Upisdraai and Gqugesi which were uprooted and moved to the Fort Beaufort township of Bhofolo in the 1960s, and at the establishment of black citrus farmers in the Kat River Valley in the late 1980s, on previously White owned farms which were bought out by the (then) Ciskei government. In the Conclusion, some important differences are suggested between resettlement in the Eastern Cape and in QwaQwa, one of the areas of South Africa that has been most severely affected by resettlement. Ways in which the South African material may be seen in terms of prevailing models for the analysis of resettlement, and may provide an input for the modification of these approaches, are briefly considered. / Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
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