Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-06-21T12:35:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvio Marcio Gomes Oliveira.pdf: 5282915 bytes, checksum: 78d6b462d53bad53fbc26dabf4d44fa1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-21T12:35:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvio Marcio Gomes Oliveira.pdf: 5282915 bytes, checksum: 78d6b462d53bad53fbc26dabf4d44fa1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-09 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This work presents the marks of religion and religiosity in the scope of Social Service, as well as in other spheres of Public Power, where the presence of these marks are clearly noticed subtly, subliminally or even incisively, which ends directly creating a cizânia between State and religion, thus placing and secondary situation the fulfillment of the secularity. The research of qualitative analysis was performed through documentary analysis, systematized observation in loco, in public environments and semi-structured interviews. Public areas such as schools, public security institutions, legislative houses and contact with Social Service entities such as CFESS and CRESS, which have been issued with Resolutions with a strong appeal to the struggle for secularism among social work professionals in the exercise of its functions. Studies have shown that there is a strong presence of religion / religiosity in the various public spheres where a diverse range of professionals work in various fields of work, ranging from education, public safety, parliaments and Social Work itself. Although there is a conscience of the Councils of Social Service, as well as of other devices that seek the fulfillment of laity in Brazil, such as the Constitution of 1988, we can see that the marks of religion and religiosity have a strong presence in these segments which ends up going against the lay state in Brazil / O presente trabalho busca identificar marcas de presença de religiosidade em confronto com a laicidade no âmbito do Serviço Social. Parte-se, assim, de um tema ético-político no âmbito da justiça social e de direitos de cidadania em que essa esfera de conhecimento transita. Tais marcas se expressam de forma sutil, subliminar, ou até mesmo de maneira incisiva, o que acaba diretamente criando uma cizânia entre Estado, direitos de cidadania e religiosidade, colocando-se, assim, em situação secundária, o cumprimento da laicidade. O estudo do tema foi realizado por meio de análises documentais, observações sistematizadas in loco, em ambientes públicos, e de entrevistas semiestruturadas, de cunho qualitativo. A presença da laicidade deve se dar em espaços de serviço público, como escolas, instituições de segurança pública, casas legislativas e, quanto ao Serviço Social, tal ação se dá por meio de entidades reguladoras de seu exercício, tais como CFESS e o CRESS, que baixaram Resoluções com forte apelo à luta em favor da laicidade entre os profissionais do Serviço Social no exercício de suas funções. Os estudos demonstraram que ocorre forte presença da religiosidade nas diversas esferas públicas em que atuam uma gama diversificada de profissionais em várias esferas laborais, perpassando pelas áreas da educação, segurança pública, parlamentos e no próprio Serviço Social. Embora haja uma consciência por parte dos Conselhos de Regulação do Serviço Social, assim como também, de outros dispositivos que buscam o cumprimento da laicidade no Brasil, como a própria Constituição de 1988, percebe-se que as marcas de religião e de religiosidade têm forte presença nestes segmentos, o que acaba indo na contramão do Estado laico no Brasil

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:46:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ROSANGELA SIQUEIRA DA SILVA.pdf: 2099211 bytes, checksum: cd4c20161f0d4503fd23c1421e50bd26 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-03 / This thesis aims to analyze the secular nature of the Brazilian state, focusing on the provision of Religious Education in the public school system. Presents the successive changes that accompany this curriculum component. For this, there was a literature documentary and bibliographical research from contemporary documents: laws and normative opinions of Education. On bibliographical research were consulted scientific publications concerning the subject, drawn up between 1970 and 2013.The result of the document analysis on the relationship between secular state and the religious education in recent years indicate that the regional spheres public education systems seek to do away all forms of sectarianism and religious proselytism that prioritizes either religious matrix. With this, there is the introduction of a model of religious education with anthropological approach, which involves the different religious arrays of Brazilian culture. The document analysis of scientific publications support the need of religious education in the basic training of the students, since this presents the religious diversity of the socio-cultural-historical Brazilian context. In this educational approach has focused on the religious phenomenon not only a religious matrix of Brazilian culture. This research indicates changes as to the neutrality and religious impartiality in public spaces and the commitment to secularism in education. / A presente tese tem por objetivo analisar o papel da laicidade do Estado brasileiro, enfocando a oferta do Ensino Religioso nos sistemas públicos educacionais. Apresenta as sucessivas mudanças que acompanham esse componente curricular. Realizou-se uma pesquisa documental e bibliográfica a partir de documentos contemporâneos: leis e pareceres normativos da Educação Nacional. Na pesquisa bibliográfica foram consultadas publicações científicas relativas ao assunto, elaboradas entre 1996 e 2013. O resultado da análise documental sobre a relação entre Estado laico e o Ensino Religioso nos últimos anos indica que nas esferas regionais os sistemas públicos de ensino buscam afastar toda forma de confessionalismo e proselitismo religioso que prioriza uma ou outra matriz religiosa. Com isso, ocorre a introdução de um modelo de Ensino Religioso com enfoque antropológico, que envolve as diferentes matrizes religiosas da cultura brasileira. As análises documentais das publicações científicas permitiram confirmar a necessidade do Ensino Religioso na formação básica dos educandos, visto que esse componente tem como eixo norteador a diversidade cultural religiosa presente no contexto sócio-histórico-brasileiro. Nessa abordagem de ensino tem-se como foco o fenômeno religioso como tal, não apenas uma matriz religiosa da cultura brasileira. Essa pesquisa sinaliza mudanças quanto à imparcialidade religiosa nos espaços públicos e o compromisso com a laicidade na educação.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:48:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Norberto Salomao.pdf: 356809 bytes, checksum: cb0ccc0f141adad8fd4a96f0100ad4ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-02-14 / This dissertation tried to establish the CNBB action in the context of globalization at a clear and objective way, in the face of deep and quick transformations that are happening at our time. This way, we dedicate ourselves to do a historic of the behavior of the Catholic Church in Brazil until nowadays, when, making use of several references, we demonstrate the declared institution s option to poor people, in national and international scope. That posture is reinforced by the entity s declarations and actions, which allied to other organized sectors of society, harmonize politics and religion. We got as fundamental references to these actions: the plebiscite of 2000 against the payment of the external debit and the plebiscite of 2002 against FTAA (Free Trade Area of de Americas), trying to demonstrate how a religious institution is able to establish itself as an agent of national mobilization and of political and social actions. We understand that more than the shown goals, the religious entities, specifically the Brazilian Catholic Church, making use of the CNBB and its pastorals, want to keep their importance and influence, being up-to-date in their speech and in their actions in an uncertainty era. / A presente dissertação buscou estabelecer de forma clara e objetiva a atuação da CNBB, no contexto da globalização, diante das profundas e vertiginosas transformações que assolam o nosso tempo. Nesse sentido, nos dedicamos a realizar um histórico das ações da Igreja Católica no Brasil até chegarmos aos dias atuais, quando, através de várias referências, demonstramos a declarada opção da instituição pelos menos favorecidos, em âmbito nacional e internacional. Tal postura é reforçada pelas declarações e ações da entidade, que aliada a outros setores organizados da sociedade, conciliam religião e política. Tomamos como referências fundamentais dessas ações: o plebiscito de 2000, contra o pagamento da dívida externa e no plebiscito de 2002 contra a ALCA (Área de Livre Comércio das Américas), buscando demonstrar como uma instituição religiosa é capaz de estabelecer-se como agente de mobilização nacional e de ações político-sociais. Compreendemos que além dos objetivos revelados, as entidades religiosas, em específico a Igreja Católica no Brasil, através da CNBB e suas pastorais, visam manter a sua importância e influência, atualizando seu discurso e suas ações em uma era de incertezas.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa é analisar os fundamentos históricos do debate intelectual francês sobre a presença muçulmana no país e traçar suas características principais em um mapa crítico do debate. O estudo visa fornecer elementos de compreensão acerca dos desafios atuais e das possíveis conseqüências políticas desses projetos intelectuais para o futuro da integração ou da segregação dos muçulmanos franceses. / This research aimed at analyzing the historical foundations of the French intellectual debate on the muslim presence in the country, as well as forging a critical map of this debate. This study intends to provide tools for understanding both the current challenges involved and the possible political consequences of those intellectual projects to the future of integration or segregation of French muslims.

La laïcité et le nationalisme, en tant que principes fondateurs de la République de Turquie, forment son noyau identitaire qui donne à l’ordre constitutionnel sa spécificité. La laïcité, qui a réalisé le principe de séparation de l’État et de la religion, a maintenu la religion sous son contrôle. Le nationalisme construit en réaction au démembrement de l’Empire ottoman a affirmé l’indivisibilité de l’État du point de vue de son territoire et de sa nation. Cette dernière est comprise comme essentiellement turque et musulmane. Les notions de laïcité et de nationalisme, compte tenu de la place et de la valeur qui leur sont reconnues dans l’ordre constitutionnel, irriguent l’ensemble de l’ordre constitutionnel et constituent un étalon de référence. En ce sens, elles sont des principes « structurants » de l’ordre constitutionnel qui entretiennent des rapports ambigus et contradictoires aussi bien avec la religion qu’avec la démocratie. / Nationalism and secularism are the core principles that create the constitutional order forming the Republic of Turkey. Secularism achieves the separation of State and Church, but also establishes the control over religion. Nationalism permitted to preserve the State against the threat of being shattered at the fall of the Ottoman Empire. Since then, it expresses the indivisibility of the State with its territory and nation. At the same time, it maintains religion as part of the national identity, which is also defined as Turkish. Both notions lead to ambiguity and paradoxes which are revealed by democracy. Considering their place and value in the constitutional order, nationalism and secularism can be regarded as structuring principles (“principes structurants”) which give the constitutional order of the Republic of Turkey its particularities.

Este estudo buscou compreender, a partir de uma perspectiva durkhiemiana, o modo como o princípio de laicidade dos espaços públicos brasileiros pode ter conformado as práticas e as crenças dos alunos portadores de diferentes religiosidades e com o religioso em uma universidade federal pública. Nosso estudo de caso foi a Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). Assim, foi realizado um survey (que obteve 5501 respondentes) e o total de doze entrevistas semi-estruturadas para buscar o modo como se desenvolve essa relação neste ambiente a partir da perspectiva dos atores. Uma das conclusões desse estudo é a de que a existência do princípio de laicidade e certa interpretação própria dos alunos sobre esse princípio organizam a prática religiosa na UFRGS de maneira a tornar bem-vinda sua presença quando esta se processa de maneira superficial, ligada mais à um traço subordinado à identidade dos alunos do que como religião por si. De modo que no momento em que esta norma é transgredida, gera-se um desconforto que pode resultar em questionamentos os quais podem dar a alguns atores a ideia de que a universidade é um ambiente anti-religioso. Essas elaborações de ser e sentir do príncipio de laicidade diferem diretamente do arcabouço moderno e pretendemos apontar em que medida isso ocorre. / This study sought to understand, from a durkhiemiana perspective, how the principle of secularism of Brazilian public spaces may have formed the practices and beliefs of students with different religiosity and the religious in a public federal university. Our case study was the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS). Thus, it conducted a survey (which won 5501 respondents) and the total of twelve semi-structured interviews to check how this relationship develops in this environment from the perspective of the actors. One of the conclusions of this study is that the existence of the secularism principle and right own interpretation of the students on this principle organize religious practice in UFRGS in order to make welcome your presence when this takes place in a superficial way, linked to more a dash under the identity of students than as a religion for you. So at the time that this rule is transgressed, it generates a discomfort that can result in questions which may give some players the idea that the university is an antireligious environment. These elaborations of being and feeling of the principle of secularism differ directly from modern framework and we intend to point out the extent to which this occurs.

L’essor de mouvements islamistes - ou d’inspiration islamiste - et de leurs activités dans le monde contemporain exige l’étude de leur finalité et de leur rôle. Les discours et activités de ces mouvements, qu’ils fussent sociopolitiques ou religieux, et leur relation avec le monde laïque, sont variables. Le présent travail vise à analyser l’émergence et le développement de l’un de ces mouvements en France, le réseau islamique turc transnational de Fethullah Gülen (GM). La thèse présente d’abord le contexte idéologique et historique dans lequel le mouvement de Gülen s’est développé. L’expérience turque de la laïcité (laiklik) a influencé la forme et la stratégie d’expansion du mouvement à l’étranger, notamment en France où le modernisme turc a influencé une implantation relativement restrictive du modèle français. La thèse s’attache à montrer l’étroite interconnexion qui existe entre les activités éducatives, sociales, culturelles et économiques avec la hiérarchie du mouvement en Turquie et à travers son réseau international. Elle met en lumière les éléments fondamentaux sur lesquels repose le mouvement : ses ressources humaines, ses organisations, ainsi que son pouvoir financier mais explique aussi le rôle de l’idéologie de Gülen dans la mobilisation sociale ainsi que dans ses actions de légitimation. Elle montre que le succès de Gülen en France relève de la subtilité de sa stratégie de développement: le facteur islamique est cultivé dans la sphère privée et soigneusement écarté de la sphère publique. Enfin, le présent travail montre que le mouvement de Gülen est ambigu et il questionne son identité proclamée de mouvement apolitique, alors que le mouvement s’est illustré récemment dans l’arène politique contre le gouvernement turc. La thèse clarifie le développement du mouvement en France sur la base du concept d’Islam apolitique, et le pouvoir de mobilisation de ce dernier, grâce à la théorie de mobilisation des ressources via la structure organisationnelle, ses activités d’adaptation et de légitimation et son réseau et organisation hiérarchique. / The rise of Islamic or Islamic-based movements and their activities in the contemporary world has required studying their aim and role. However, their discourses and activities, either as socio-political or as religious movements and their relation with the secular contemporary world are diverse. The present work aims to analyze the emergence and development of one of these movements in France, the transnational Turkish-Islamic based “Gülen Movement” (GM). The thesis presents first its ideological background and the historical context in which the GM grew. The experience of Turkish secularism (laiklik) influenced the form and the strategy of the GM abroad, especially in France where Turkish modernism influenced a relatively restrictive implementation of the French model. Then, it shows the close interconnection of the GM’s social, cultural educational and business activities in France, and the hierarchy of the Movement and its network at the national and international level. This thesis highlights the fundamental elements on which the Movement lays, human resources, organizations and financial power, and explains the role of the Movement leader’s ideology in human and social mobilization and legitimization activities. It shows that the GM’s success in France is due to a familiar formula in the installation process of its earlier development in Turkey as well as in other countries, and its capacity to balance visibility and invisibility of Islam respectively in the private and the public spheres. Finally, it shows that the GM has an ambiguous identity, and questions the future of a declared non-political movement, which recently illustrated itself in a political battle – still ongoing – with the current Turkish government. The thesis clarifies that the Movement’s development in France has been made possible by explaining the concept of non-political Islam, and its successful mobilization made possible by outlining resource mobilization theory through its opportunity organizational structure, adaptation/legitimization activities, and hierarchical/network organization.

This thesis explores the relationship between the colour-blind public philosophy of republicanism and the French state's policies targeting the Roma. It addresses one core research question: how did political actors use neo-republican ideas to communicate and justify policies targeting the Roma? To do this, it examines the discourse of French and European Union (EU) actors involved in the formulation and implementation of polices targeting the Roma from 2010 to 2016. This discourse comprised political speeches, policy reports, memos, media clippings and 50 in-depth interviews with French and EU actors. Building on Christina Boswell and James Hampshire's theory of discursive strategies, this thesis focuses on the strategic deployment of republican ideas, notably the ways in which political actors were able to exploit their polyvalence. This thesis argues that political actors used four key republican ideas to communicate and justify policies targeting the Roma in France. First, a commitment to universalism allowed political actors to deny accusations of ethnic targeting while pursuing policies that disproportionally targeted Roma migrants. Second, political actors deployed the idea of a 'neutral' public sphere to justify the eviction and deportation of residents living in so-called Roma camps. Third, political actors used a logic of administrative selection to predetermine which evicted 'Roma' migrants were worthy of state support. Fourth, recipients of this support were subject to a state-led process of assimilation akin to a modern 'civilising mission', which political actors defended as a necessary step towards integration. This thesis concludes that it was precisely the polyvalence of republican ideas that allowed actors to deploy them to communicate and justify discriminatory policies. In doing so, it builds upon a growing literature on the role of republicanism in contemporary French politics and provides a rich empirical study that captures the influence of a general public philosophy on specific policy decisions. Additionally, it extends recent scholarship on the treatment of the Roma in Europe and contributes to debate about the challenges of free movement in an enlarged EU.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa é analisar os fundamentos históricos do debate intelectual francês sobre a presença muçulmana no país e traçar suas características principais em um mapa crítico do debate. O estudo visa fornecer elementos de compreensão acerca dos desafios atuais e das possíveis conseqüências políticas desses projetos intelectuais para o futuro da integração ou da segregação dos muçulmanos franceses. / This research aimed at analyzing the historical foundations of the French intellectual debate on the muslim presence in the country, as well as forging a critical map of this debate. This study intends to provide tools for understanding both the current challenges involved and the possible political consequences of those intellectual projects to the future of integration or segregation of French muslims.

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / O problema a ser levantado nesta tese à que hÃ, em JÃrgen Habermas, um dÃficit ontolÃgico (a falta de uma teoria dos entes) e metafÃsico (a falta de uma teoria do Ser) em sua filosofia. O pensamento de Habermas se reduziria à pragmÃtica, nÃo deixando espaÃo para o aprofunda-mento de questÃes ontolÃgicas e metafÃsicas, que o prÃprio Habermas sugere implicitamente, embora sem aprofundar, por se manter fiel ao seu pensamento pÃs-metafÃsico. Quais as consequÃncias disso para sua proposta de um diÃlogo entre secularismo e religiÃo na democracia deliberativa e mesmo para sua anÃlise do fenÃmeno religioso? O dÃficit ontolÃgico e metafÃsico, analisado primeiramente na filosofia teÃrica, em Verdade e justificaÃÃo, percorreria igual-mente sua filosofia polÃtica, à medida que Habermas nÃo reflete acerca do carÃter universal do bem na sua defesa da Ãtica do justo. Finalmente, o dÃficit ontolÃgico e metafÃsico alcanÃaria tambÃm sua anÃlise dos discursos religiosos, restritos à pragmÃtica, apesar de Habermas reconhecer a importÃncia das religiÃes, quando traduzem suas intuiÃÃes essenciais para uma linguagem pÃblica e secular. Puntel, nesse sentido, coloca uma questÃo teÃrica, que o leva a afirmar, com razÃo, que a metafÃsica à a instÃncia em que se articula o conteÃdo da religiÃo. Como o problema de Habermas à puramente pragmÃtico, isto Ã, como tornar possÃvel um diÃ-logo entre crentes e nÃo crentes, ele nÃo leva em consideraÃÃo a dimensÃo metafÃsica da religiÃo, mas apenas seu conteÃdo Ãtico. Nesse contexto, à essencial distinguir claramente duas questÃes que aparecem em Habermas: 1) um problema teÃrico: Habermas aceita a centralidade da linguagem numa teoria, embora possua uma anÃlise unilateral da linguagem, por reduzi--la a uma anÃlise da dimensÃo pragmÃtica; 2) um problema prÃtico: como à possÃvel a convivÃncia entre crentes e nÃo crentes numa sociedade pluralista e democrÃtica? Dessa forma, em Habermas, diversas questÃes podem ser avaliadas tanto à luz da filosofia como da sociologia. Contudo, tal fato traz tambÃm uma sÃrie de confusÃes nÃo apenas do prÃprio Habermas como igualmente de seus intÃrpretes e crÃticos, uma vez que as questÃes, sejam elas filosÃficas ou sociolÃgicas, sÃo postas como sendo de mesmo tipo. Um exemplo disso à o tema da religiÃo, que ora aparece a partir de um ponto de vista sociolÃgico de uma teoria da sociedade, ora a partir de um viÃs filosÃfico e propriamente teÃrico. Este trabalho, contudo, encontra-se no Ãmbito estritamente filosÃfico, haja vista que haveria um dÃficit ontolÃgico e metafÃsico na sistemÃtica do pensamento de Habermas, tendo consequÃncias em sua anÃlise limitada do fenÃmeno religioso, restrito à dimensÃo pragmÃtica da linguagem. / The problem to be raised in this thesis is that there is, in JÃrgen Habermasâ philosophy, an ontological deficit (a lack of a theory of the beings) and also a metaphysical dÃficit (the lack of a theory of the Being). Habermasâs thinking would, as far as we are concerned, be reduced to pragma- tics, leaving no room to the deepening of ontological and metaphysical questions, which Habermas himself implicitly suggests, although without further elaboration, for remaining faithful to his post-metaphysical thinking. Anyway, what are the consequences of such thinking for his proposal of a dialogue between secularism and religion in the deliberative democracy and even for his analysis of a religious phenomenon? The ontological and metaphysical deficit, first analyzed in the theoretical philosophy, in Truth and justification, would equally run its political philosophy, once Habermas does not reflect on the universal character of the good, in his defense of the ethics of the righteous. Finally, the ontological and metaphysical deficit would also reach its analysis of religious discourses, restricted to pragmatics, although Habermas recognizes the importance of religions when they translate their essential intuitions into a public and secular language. Puntel, in this sense, highlights a theoretical question, which leads him to rightly affirm that metaphysics is the instance in which the contents of religion is articulated. Since Habermasâ problem is purely pragmatic, that is, how to enable a dialogue between believers and non-believers, he does not take into account the metaphysical dimension of religion, but only its ethical contents. It is essential, in this context, to clearly distinguish two questions that appear in Habermas. 1) A theoretical problem: Habermas accepts the centrality of the language in a theory, although it has a unilateral analysis of the language, by reducing it into an analysis of the pragmatic dimension of the language; 2) A practical problem, he wonders: How may coexistence between believers and non-believers in a pluralistic and democratic society be possible? Thus, in Habermas, several questions can be eva-luated both in the light of philosophy and sociology. However, this fact also brings a series of confusions not only of Habermasâ himself, but also of his interpreters and critics, since the questions, no matter wheather they are philosophical or sociological, they are exposed as being of the same type. An example of such theme is religion, which now appears from a sociological point of view of a theory of society, sometimes through a philosophical and properly theoretical bias. Our work, however, is strictly philosophical, once in our view there would be an ontological and metaphysical deficit in Habermasâ ways of thinking, with consequences in his limited analysis of the religious phenomenon, restricted to the pragmatic dimension of the language.