[pt] Constatou-se que os atos piratas no Golfo da Guiné, especialmente em Nigéria, estão fortemente associados ao roubo de cargas de petróleo e à pilhagem das instalações de exploração do produto. As ações dos perpetradores de tais atos, como é o caso da Nigéria que se debruçou mais, visam atingir o Estado Federal e as multinacionais exploradoras do petróleo bruto nacional. Com base na Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança e nos conceitos teóricos sobre a securitização, procurou-se analisar a pirataria na região estudada como uma ameaça existencial socialmente construída e como um objeto securitizado por uma variedade de atores políticos (regionais e internacionais). O objetivo cabal é mostrar que, no atual contexto da corrida pelo petróleo no Golfo da Guiné, a securitização da pirataria provoca a despolitização de questões econômicas e sociais inerentes aos Estados locais e a ameaça suas soberanias e integridades territoriais. / [en] It was found that pirates acts in the Gulf of Guinea, especially in Nigeria, are strongly associated with the theft of oil cargo and the pillaging of the product exploration installations. The actions of the perpetrators of such acts, as is the case of Nigeria which leaned more, aim to achieve the Federal State and the multinationals exploiting the national crude oil. Based on the Theory of Regional Security Complex and on the theoretical concepts of securitization, we tried to analyze piracy in the region studied as a socially constructed existential threat and a securitized object by a variety of political actors (regional and international). The full goal is to show that, in the current context of the race for oil in the Gulf of Guinea, the securitization of piracy causes the depoliticization of economic and social issues related to local states and threatens their sovereignty and territorial integrity.

The presented doctoral thesis analyses energy security in the Central Asia region, with an emphasis on the natural gas sector. The research sought to answer the question of whether individual state actors in Central Asia are more inclined towards a strategic-oriented or market-oriented approach to energy policy in the formulation of their respective energy policy. Answering this research question aimed at better understanding the approach of individual state actors to large infrastructure projects, such as the construction of the Central Asia-China Gas Pipeline. A regional energy security complex of Central Asia was constructed for work purposes. In addition to the five Central Asian states, it also includes Russia and China as two major natural gas importers from the region. Based on theoretical literature, a model for assessing the natural gas sector in terms of the formulation of energy policy by individual state actors was developed. This model was subsequently applied to three case studies of key state actors within the Central Asian regional energy security complex. These are case studies on Turkmenistan, Russia and China. Applying the model's criteria to individual cases, the research concluded that for all three players in the Central Asian regional energy security complex, a...

Interstate threat perception plays a vital role in peace and conflict, having the potential to lead to pre-emptive war.  Despite the significance of the theme, little is known about the elements and mechanisms at play guiding threat perception at the state level. This study contributes to said gap by focusing on values as the driver of threat perception. The argument explores the regional constraints of threat perception, focusing on regional military interventions and their effects on the threat perception of the states within said region. Thus, the paper addresses the question of what role value congruence plays in interstate threat perception following a regional military intervention. The paper hypothesises that a higher perceived value congruence between the perceiving state and the intervening state lowers the degree of threat perception. Noting data limitations and isolation challenges, the study finds support for this hypothesis by exploring the case of 2014 Russian intervention in Ukraine and its effects on Belarus, Poland, and Sweden.