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This thesis examined the effect of age on sexually offensive behaviour. Research has noted both an increase in the average age of incarcerated offenders and that a higher percentage of older offenders are incarcerated for sexual offences than are younger offenders. Older sexual offenders were initially compared with younger offenders on offender and offence characteristics and these analyses revealed that older sexual offenders had a higher incidence of male victims, a younger victim age, and more intra-familial victims. Phallometric assessments of all sexual offenders were then examined to see whether sexual deviance may account for the differences found between older and younger sexual offenders in victim age and gender. These analyses revealed that the oldest and youngest offenders were more deviant than middle-aged sexual offenders and that the sexual interests of older offenders were more commonly for females. Finally, all subjects were classified as either Historical (offending had ceased, without judicial intervention, at least 7 years prior to incarceration), First-time (incarcerated for a recent sexual offence and no history of sexual offending), or Recidivist sexual offenders (currently incarcerated for a sexual offence and have at least one prior sentencing date for any sexual offence): age accounted for 12% of the variance in categorisation. Fifty-five percent of the sexual offenders age 60 years or more were found to have committed and ceased their offending at least seven years prior to incarceration (i.e., were Historical offenders). The percentage of Recidivist offenders remained relatively consistent across age groups at about 20%. No difference was found in phallometrically assessed sexual deviance between the groups of older offenders. / Thesis (Ph.D, Psychology) -- Queen's University, 2010-07-29 11:40:51.234

No description available.

Understanding the risk factors that contribute to sexual offending against children is an important topic for research. The present study set out to examine whether deficits in emotion recognition might contribute to sexual offending, by testing if child sexual offenders were impaired in their recognition of facial expressions of emotion, particularly with children, relative to non-offender controls. To do this, we tested 49 child sexual offenders and 46 non-offender controls on their ability to recognise facial expressions of emotion using photographs of both adults and children posing emotions from the Radboud Faces Database (Langner et al., 2010). We created continua along six emotion pairs (e.g. happiness-sadness) in 10% increments, from the emotions of sadness, anger, happiness, and fear, with morphing software. Using signal detection analyses, we found that across the emotion pairs, non-offenders were significantly better able to discriminate between emotions than offenders, although there were no significant differences within individual emotion pairs, and was not significant with either age or level of education as a covariate. When discriminating between fear and anger, non-offenders showed a significant bias towards labeling an emotion as fear when judging male faces, whereas offenders did not, and this difference remained significant with age, level of education and socioeconomic status as covariates. Additionally, both groups showed a strong bias towards labeling an emotion as anger when judging female faces. Thus sexual offenders were more likely to identify anger rather than fear with male faces, suggesting that sexual offenders lack an inhibition against recognising anger in males that non-offenders showed. Overall, contrary to our predictions, we found no evidence to indicate that child sexual offenders showed a specific deficit in their recognition of emotions in children. However, future research should continue to examine this area and its potential link to recidivism.

Juveniles adjudicated for sexual offenses are often described as homogenous, collectively viewed as inherently dangerous, and subject to specialized legal and clinical interventions. However, empirical studies have identified several typologies suggesting that juveniles adjudicated for sexual offenses are a heterogeneous group with varying degrees of risk and treatment needs. The purpose of this non-experimental between-groups study was to compare family composition, abuse histories, mental health diagnosis, and offense type among a victim age-based typology of juvenile sexual offenders. The theoretical framework that guided this study was developmental-contextual theory. Archival data (N = 105) were collected from Alberta Health Services in Alberta, Canada. Results of chi-square analysis indicated a statistically significant difference among these 2 groups with respect to family composition and offense type. The groups did not differ with respect to abuse histories or mental health diagnosis. Findings may be used to expand the current knowledge base regarding risk factors for youths who offend sexually, to develop preventative programs and treatment programs, to increase community safety, and to reduce the stigma associated with juvenile sexual offending.

Female adolescents who engage in sexually abusive behaviors are an understudied population not well represented in the broader literature describing persons who have committed sexual offenses. Much of what is known related to etiology and important predictors of sexual crime is drawn from adult and male populations. However, there are potential differences that may have implications for prevention and treatment. For example, factors like offense characteristics and sexual boundaries in the home vary among male and female juveniles who sexually offend. By analyzing differences and patterns in sexual offending behaviors at younger ages, we can expand upon knowledge for future offense prevention among similar individuals. In the current study, we examined characteristics of a sample of five female adolescents receiving outpatient treatment for sexually abusive behaviors in comparison with empirical findings related to adult female sexual offenders and a sample of male adolescents receiving residential treatment for sexually abusive behavior. We hypothesized that females in the sample will evidence a history of poorer sexual boundaries in the home and a greater likelihood of sexual abuse victimization than males. We also predicted that females in the sample would have younger, more male, and fewer stranger sexual abuse victims than the males in the sample. Data are archival in nature and were obtained from an adolescent facility providing residential and outpatient sex offender treatment services. Variables related to offense characteristics include those describing frequency and onset of offending, offense types, and victim features. For sexual boundaries in the home, we examined a range of variables describing sexual abuse, sexual behaviors, and pornography use/exposure within the youth’s home of origin. While our sample of female adolescents who have engaged in sexually abusive behavior is small, such information can move us closer to understanding important contributors to the perpetration of sexual violence in this unique population. The first hypothesis on sexual boundaries in the home was supported. We found that all females in the sample experienced poor sexual boundaries in the home, compared to approximately 68% of males. Similarly, all females reported sexual abuse victimization and 61% of males reported sexual abuse victimization. The second hypothesis on crime characteristics was supported. Victim characteristics varied between genders, with all victims of females who engaged in sexually abusive behaviors being between the ages of 5 and 9. Male victims varied between ages 0 and 30, with most falling between ages 5 and 9. Approximately 80% of females had offended against a male while about 60% of the males had offended against a male. No females offended against a stranger, though approximately 5% of males did.

The Multimodal Self-Regulation Theory was first introduced by Stinson, Sales, and Becker as an integrated theory of sexual offending premised on the assumption that persons who engage in acts of problematic sexual behaviour do so because of deficits in primary self-regulatory functioning. Self-regulation—or the ability to modulate emotions, thoughts, interactions, and behaviours effectively—has been discussed within the context of varied psychological and behavioural problems, including personality disorders and self-injurious behaviour. The Multimodal Self-Regulation Theory applies self-regulatory processes to sex offending, suggesting that such behaviours may be yet another form of maladaptive self-regulatory coping. Such an approach combines extensive literatures, ranging from developmental, cognitive-behavioural, and personality theory to neurobiology and criminology. In this chapter, we summarize the main tenets of the theory and discuss examples and case conceptualization using this approach. We also describe early empirical support with several samples of sexual offenders, as well as the development and piloting of a related treatment manual. In each of these sections, we additionally highlight areas for further study, including projects currently under way by the present authors. Finally, we review the theory’s primary strengths and limitations, referencing broader contextual research needs to clarify better the role of the Multimodal Self-Regulation Theory in understanding, treating, and preventing sex offending behaviours.

Background and Aims: The importance of the involvement of parents in treatment approaches for Children and Young People (CYP) who have engaged in Harmful Sexual Behaviour (HSB) has been consistently highlighted within the literature. Given that HSB arises in a family context, parents are considered key agents for change where CYP remain in their care. Professionals may work with them as a means of improving the CYP's therapeutic outcomes. Despite this, little is known about their personal lived experiences and representations of meaning, which remain largely unexplored. The current study aimed to address this gap and gain a rich understanding of the experiences of parents, from their own perspective. Methodology: Semi-structured interviews were used with six biological parents who were recruited via purposive sampling from a specialist service working with CYP who have engaged in HSB and their families. During interviews, four broad areas of interest were explored: the personal psychological impact of their child engaging in HSB; the impact on the parent-child relationship; wider familial and community responses; and parental coping. Interviews were audio-recorded and their verbatim transcripts analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). Findings and Conclusions: The analysis produced four main themes; 'A devastated and overwhelmed life'; 'Threatened and trying to feel safer'; 'A challenged relationship with son'; and 'Space for hope in the face of hopelessness?'. It was highlighted that parents' experiences and meaning-making appeared intimately woven with a complex web of powerful relational and socially constructed factors. The research outcomes provide valuable insights for professionals working with young people who have engaged in HSB and their families. In learning more about what it is like to be the parent of a CYP who has engaged in HSB, it is hoped that professionals will have a richer framework from which to provide support to both the parent and to their child. Implications for clinical practice, the strengths and limitations of the methodology and directions for future research are discussed.

This study addresses the hitherto limited research on sexually abusive children and youths in New Zealand (NZ). It encompasses children (12 years or younger) and youths (13 to 19 years) referred to the three largest specialised community sexual offender treatment programmes in Auckland, Wellington, and Christchurch over a 9½ year period. Additionally, three special populations are considered: female sexually abusive youth, youth with ‘special needs’ and children (12 years and under). To increase our understanding of the individual, offending and family characteristics of these children and youths in specialised community treatment programmes in New Zealand Study One audited client’s clinical files (N = 702). Consistent with international research, New Zealand children and youth who engaged in sexually abusive behaviours not only presented with sexually abusive behaviour(s) but also had other psychological and behavioural issues. These included a history of childhood sexual and physical abuse (38%, n = 263 and 39%, n = 272 respectively), behavioural (63%, n = 442) and mental health problems (65%, n = 457), drug and alcohol misuse (22%, n = 156) and a history of suicide ideation or deliberate self-harm (27%, n = 187). They often had poor social skills (46%, n = 326) and had struggled to establish appropriate peer relationships (44%, n = 306). Many of the children and youth came from multi-problem and chaotic family backgrounds (e.g., 55%, n = 387 of parents were divorced or separated, 38%, n = 267 were exposed to domestic violence and 32%, n = 222 had family member(s) with a substance abuse problem) and had experienced numerous out-of-home placements (57%, n = 389). Factors associated with resiliency were also investigated. It was found that children and youth primarily victimised male and female children (12 years or younger) (70%, n = 1407), who were acquaintances (57%, n = 1295) or relatives (32%, n = 730). Very few victimised strangers (7%, n = 86 of victims were strangers). They engaged in both ‘hands on’ (e.g., penetrative acts) and ‘hands off’ offences (e.g., voyeurism). Study Two was a naturalistic treatment outcome study to explore treatment outcomes and involved 682 sexually abusive children and youth who attended three specialised community treatment programmes in New Zealand. The main outcome of interest was sexual recidivism (prevalence rate of re-offending during the follow-up period) with secondary outcome variables of general and violent recidivism. The follow-up period ranged from 1 year to 10 years (mean 4.5 years, SD = 2.2). Three groups were compared: the ‘Comparison’ group (referral or assessment only, n = 300), ‘Treatment Dropout’ group (those who prematurely terminated their involvement in treatment, n = 165) and the ‘Treatment Completer’ group (those successfully completing treatment, n = 217). To allow for triangulation of offences that were dealt with through the youth and adult justice system’s recidivism data were collected from multiple sources (Child, Youth and Family , Youth Court, and Police criminal charges and convictions data). Post-treatment sexual, general (nonsexual and non-violent) and violent recidivism are reported from each data source as well as overall sexual, general and violent recidivism. Sexual, general and violent re-offending that occurred while the children and youths were attending treatment are also presented. Changes in behavioural problems and the psychological functioning of sexually abusive children and youth between assessment and the end of treatment (as assessed by the Child Behavior Checklist, Youth Self Report and Millon Adolescent Clinical Inventory) contribute additional outcome measures. This naturalistic outcome study found that the treatment programmes were effective in reducing sexual recidivism amongst sexually abusive children and youth who completed treatment compared with those who did not complete treatment. Less than 3% (2.8%, n = 8) of Treatment Completers sexually re-offended compared with 6% (n = 17) of the Comparison group and 10% (n = 16) of the Treatment Dropout group. Treatment Dropouts were found to be at highest risk of sexual, general and violent recidivism. Recidivism for the three special populations (children, females and ‘special needs’ youth) are also presented. The results from the psychological measures indicate a general pattern of reduction in behavioural and psychological problems between assessment and end of treatment. Logistic regression analysis was used in Study Three (N = 682) to explore factors associated with the risk of sexual and nonsexual (violent and general offending) re-offending post-treatment and dropping out of treatment. The factor predictive of sexual recidivism risk was having three or more victims and was associated with a decreased risk of sexual recidivism. Older age at first known sexual offence was associated with increased chance of nonsexual recidivism. Dropping out of treatment and having a history of nonsexual offending were associated with a decreased risk of nonsexual recidivism. Older age at referral and having no external mandate to attend treatment were associated with increased risk of youth dropping out of treatment. A history of mental health problems was associated with a decreased risk of treatment dropout. Conclusions This is the first study of the characteristics and treatment outcomes of sexually abusive children and youth in New Zealand. Its strengths include the large sample size, length of the follow-up period, use of a comparison group and data triangulation to determine recidivism. This study, therefore, compares favourably with international studies. This research enhances understanding of the individual, family and offending characteristics of sexually abusive youth in New Zealand as well as children, females and special needs youth. The Cognitive Behavioural Theory (CBT) based approach of the community programmes in New Zealand was found to be effective in reducing recidivism amongst children and youths who completed treatment. Specific recommendations relevant to treatment programmes and statutory agencies around programme development, referral processes and identification of sexually abusive children and youth are made. Directions for future research are also discussed. These include research exploring outcomes, other than recidivism, for those attending the Maori programmes, possible exploration of typologies within New Zealand sexually abusive children and youth, and subsequent follow-up research. / University of Auckland Doctoral Scholarship

This study addresses the hitherto limited research on sexually abusive children and youths in New Zealand (NZ). It encompasses children (12 years or younger) and youths (13 to 19 years) referred to the three largest specialised community sexual offender treatment programmes in Auckland, Wellington, and Christchurch over a 9½ year period. Additionally, three special populations are considered: female sexually abusive youth, youth with ‘special needs’ and children (12 years and under). To increase our understanding of the individual, offending and family characteristics of these children and youths in specialised community treatment programmes in New Zealand Study One audited client’s clinical files (N = 702). Consistent with international research, New Zealand children and youth who engaged in sexually abusive behaviours not only presented with sexually abusive behaviour(s) but also had other psychological and behavioural issues. These included a history of childhood sexual and physical abuse (38%, n = 263 and 39%, n = 272 respectively), behavioural (63%, n = 442) and mental health problems (65%, n = 457), drug and alcohol misuse (22%, n = 156) and a history of suicide ideation or deliberate self-harm (27%, n = 187). They often had poor social skills (46%, n = 326) and had struggled to establish appropriate peer relationships (44%, n = 306). Many of the children and youth came from multi-problem and chaotic family backgrounds (e.g., 55%, n = 387 of parents were divorced or separated, 38%, n = 267 were exposed to domestic violence and 32%, n = 222 had family member(s) with a substance abuse problem) and had experienced numerous out-of-home placements (57%, n = 389). Factors associated with resiliency were also investigated. It was found that children and youth primarily victimised male and female children (12 years or younger) (70%, n = 1407), who were acquaintances (57%, n = 1295) or relatives (32%, n = 730). Very few victimised strangers (7%, n = 86 of victims were strangers). They engaged in both ‘hands on’ (e.g., penetrative acts) and ‘hands off’ offences (e.g., voyeurism). Study Two was a naturalistic treatment outcome study to explore treatment outcomes and involved 682 sexually abusive children and youth who attended three specialised community treatment programmes in New Zealand. The main outcome of interest was sexual recidivism (prevalence rate of re-offending during the follow-up period) with secondary outcome variables of general and violent recidivism. The follow-up period ranged from 1 year to 10 years (mean 4.5 years, SD = 2.2). Three groups were compared: the ‘Comparison’ group (referral or assessment only, n = 300), ‘Treatment Dropout’ group (those who prematurely terminated their involvement in treatment, n = 165) and the ‘Treatment Completer’ group (those successfully completing treatment, n = 217). To allow for triangulation of offences that were dealt with through the youth and adult justice system’s recidivism data were collected from multiple sources (Child, Youth and Family , Youth Court, and Police criminal charges and convictions data). Post-treatment sexual, general (nonsexual and non-violent) and violent recidivism are reported from each data source as well as overall sexual, general and violent recidivism. Sexual, general and violent re-offending that occurred while the children and youths were attending treatment are also presented. Changes in behavioural problems and the psychological functioning of sexually abusive children and youth between assessment and the end of treatment (as assessed by the Child Behavior Checklist, Youth Self Report and Millon Adolescent Clinical Inventory) contribute additional outcome measures. This naturalistic outcome study found that the treatment programmes were effective in reducing sexual recidivism amongst sexually abusive children and youth who completed treatment compared with those who did not complete treatment. Less than 3% (2.8%, n = 8) of Treatment Completers sexually re-offended compared with 6% (n = 17) of the Comparison group and 10% (n = 16) of the Treatment Dropout group. Treatment Dropouts were found to be at highest risk of sexual, general and violent recidivism. Recidivism for the three special populations (children, females and ‘special needs’ youth) are also presented. The results from the psychological measures indicate a general pattern of reduction in behavioural and psychological problems between assessment and end of treatment. Logistic regression analysis was used in Study Three (N = 682) to explore factors associated with the risk of sexual and nonsexual (violent and general offending) re-offending post-treatment and dropping out of treatment. The factor predictive of sexual recidivism risk was having three or more victims and was associated with a decreased risk of sexual recidivism. Older age at first known sexual offence was associated with increased chance of nonsexual recidivism. Dropping out of treatment and having a history of nonsexual offending were associated with a decreased risk of nonsexual recidivism. Older age at referral and having no external mandate to attend treatment were associated with increased risk of youth dropping out of treatment. A history of mental health problems was associated with a decreased risk of treatment dropout. Conclusions This is the first study of the characteristics and treatment outcomes of sexually abusive children and youth in New Zealand. Its strengths include the large sample size, length of the follow-up period, use of a comparison group and data triangulation to determine recidivism. This study, therefore, compares favourably with international studies. This research enhances understanding of the individual, family and offending characteristics of sexually abusive youth in New Zealand as well as children, females and special needs youth. The Cognitive Behavioural Theory (CBT) based approach of the community programmes in New Zealand was found to be effective in reducing recidivism amongst children and youths who completed treatment. Specific recommendations relevant to treatment programmes and statutory agencies around programme development, referral processes and identification of sexually abusive children and youth are made. Directions for future research are also discussed. These include research exploring outcomes, other than recidivism, for those attending the Maori programmes, possible exploration of typologies within New Zealand sexually abusive children and youth, and subsequent follow-up research. / University of Auckland Doctoral Scholarship