Contemporary higher education makes use of computers and the Internet more than ever before and the extent to which education is delivered via these media is only likely to increase in the future. While computer-mediated communication and education have been studied extensively, relatively little research has examined the potential impact of cultural background (e.g. social class) on students' experiences of different learning media. To address this gap, the current research uses a multi-sample (6 samples; n = 473), quasi-experimental approach to interrogate the relationship between student social class background and learning environment on various educational and individual outcomes. Examining a trichotomous (lower, middle, upper) conceptualization of social class across three distinct learning environments (face-to-face, computer-mediated, and fully-online) I find evidence of effects of student social class, learning environment and their interaction. In general, middle class students vary the least across conditions; lower class students tend to score lower on outcomes overall but with some notable exceptions for shared experience in face-to-face settings and comfort in online settings; and upper class students tend to experience a laboratory-based computer-mediated learning environment most positively. Implications for studying computer-mediated learning and social class are discussed, along with implications for real-world online education.

This urban ethnography examines the everyday lives of young adults participating in middle-class culture in Ho Chi Minh City. My analysis illuminates the motivations and processes by which middle-class people create a social and moral middleness. Middleness refers both to the experiences of this group and to the cultural space wherein individuals perform their gender-specific, consumption-driven roles and negotiate identities as modern Vietnamese people. In attempting to understand precisely how social class functions and is experienced, my analysis focuses on how it relates to other processes of identity formation (i.e. gender and consumerism). Doing so also requires that I call attention to the uneven, unstable impacts of globalizing processes and the importance of performativity. By arguing that class is best understood as a socio-cultural process and by confronting the myth of global cultural homogenization, I reveal important insights about what it means to be middle-class in Ho Chi Minh City. Individual and group responses to the city's ever-changing consumer society show people carrying out their lives in social and cultural systems that are fundamentally unfinished.

The research carried out looks at the interaction within and between four independent variables: Social Class, Organisation in which the subjects worked, Sex and Unconscious Sexual Identity of husbands and wives of stable families. These variables are related to Work, Spouses and Children. The 12 dependent variables are the dimensions which seem the most relevant to coding the individual's identity or subjective character. They are Affiliation, Aggression, Autonomy, Dominance, Identification, Nurturance, Responsibility, Security, Self-Confidence, Sharing and Succourance. Forty couples are divided into four groups: Male/female; Middle-class/Working-class; entrepreneurial/bureaucratic; masculine/feminine. Data collection includes a projective-semi-structured questionnaire, an unstructured test requiring subjects-to draw and a demographic questionnaire. The results reveal that husbands have significantly higher scores than wives on Achievement, Dominance, Responsibility and Security, and significantly lower scores oil Autonomy, Identification, Nurturance and Self-Confidence. Subjects in the Middle class make significantly more references than those in the working class to Achievement, Autonomy, Dominance, Identification, Self-Confidence and Sharing, and significantly less references to Affiliation, Aggression and Security. Entrepreneurs have significantly higher scores than bureaucrats on Achievement, Autonomy, Dominance, Responsibility and Self-Confidence and significantly lower scores on Affiliation, Security, Nurturance and Succourance. Subjects who come within the masculine range as measured by the Franck Test, make significantly more references than those who come within the feminine range to Aggression and Dominance, and significantly less references to Affiliation, Nurturance, Self-Confidence, Sharing and Succourance. There is a significant inter-action between Social Class and Organisation on Aggression, Autonomy, Dominance, Nurturance, Self-Confidence and Sharing. There is significant interaction between Sex and Unconscious Sexual Identity on Affiliation, Aggression, Autonomy, Identification and Self-Confidence. There is also a significant interaction between Sex and Social Class on Achievement, Aggression and Security.

This study focuses on the issue of social exclusion in British tennis. It commences with a critique of current LTA policy, presenting exclusion as static, ahistorical and underpinned by false dichotomies of age and social class. Aspects of Norbert Elias’s theoretical approach are employed throughout as an analytical framework. Initially, the roots of exclusion in British tennis are sought through historical analysis. Aspects of the Civilising Process help direct attention towards wider social processes to explain the prevalence of exclusion, particularly in tennis clubs. Cost was a crucial factor in determining early access, but as tennis became more accessible to lower classes, codes of behavioural etiquette helped demarcate members along status lines. Into the mid-20th century, the globalisation, professionalisation and commercialisation of tennis pushed the LTA to adopt a more performance-oriented outlook, but this has come to oppose the more relaxed culture of tennis clubs. Thus, a power struggle emerged between these two institutions, and, underpinned by thirty interviews with leading figures in British tennis as well as extensive documentary analysis, the third section documents these developments from the 1980s. Crucially, tennis clubs remain largely amateur and voluntary-run organisations, yet are important locations for the implementation of the LTA’s demanding talent development objectives. These recent developments are understood with the help of Elias’s Game Models theory. The fourth section presents findings from a ten-month ethnographic study of social exclusion in a tennis club; a micro-analysis of club member relations underpinned by Elias’s Established-Outsider Relations theory. Overall findings suggest that social exclusion in British tennis is far more complex, multi-faceted and historically-rooted than what current LTA discourse presents. Differences in age and class are less central, and instead preconceived notions of social status based on longevity of membership, adherence to behavioural norms and playing standard are powerful determinants of inclusion.

With the expansion of higher education in recent decades, exclusive academic qualifications have become the prominent way in which the status hierarchy of education is preserved. Much of the previous research explaining social class differences in educational attainment have focused on cognitive ability but largely overlooked the importance of non-cognitive skills for enrolling in more prestigious educational fields. Using unique longitudinal data, the focus of this thesis is on childhood non-cognitive skills to explore their role for understanding the association between social class of origin and selection into prestigious university education in Sweden. The results confirm class differences in attending prestige education, but also show that non-cognitive skills cannot explain much of the variation in educational attainment between or within classes. More research is needed in order to fully understand the large class gap in prestigious academic outcomes in Sweden.

This exploratory study examined the life-histories of 21 men who were mature (27 years +), full-time students in two Scottish ancient universities. Most were first-generation entrants. Individual semi-structured interviews asked about the men's origins and lives so far. The aim was to understand men as gendered beings, and to consider the dynamics that had impacted on their lives. Though useful findings in their own right, the research also used this data to consider sociological theories of contemporary identity/ies, and to contemplate Bourdieu's theories of social-class reproduction. The legacy of trying to promote equal opportunities through education made Scotland an important test-bed for widening participation. Ancient universities were selected to throw dimensions of educational inclusion/exclusion into relief. Researching male 'first-generation' students responded to concerns that men from manual origins should return to education given the dissolution of their traditional roles. The research found few 'hybrid' identities, as experienced by first-generation students in other research. This may reflect the men's complex cultural trajectories prior to university, and distancing from former working-class origins. Adopting 'student' identities held few problems. 'Traditional' students were seen as insecure, and mature students as providing a valuable contribution to the institution. For older men, student-hood fulfilled a latent ambition. For others, 'student' added a more positive aspect to their previous identities. The post-modem celebration of playful identities was dismissed, as even playful uptakes revealed politically darker sides. There was more support for the self-reflexive identity project, which was gendered in that (with some notable exceptions) it was constructed in the context of traditional gender relationships. Bourdieu's conceptual framework was useful in explaining these 'divergent trajectories'. The Catholic community could be seen to promote a class-fraction habitus, which valued education, commitment and social networks. Residing in university-rich cities reduced the cultural distance between the men and HE, whilst the 'flexible' labour market created spaces where men from manual origins worked alongside undergraduate and graduate others. Such influences were compatible with Bourdieu' s theories. However, there was another influence that Bourdieu was less successful at explaining. The matrimonial field did not operate with the logic of other fields. Graduate women formed long-term relationships with these men, despite significant differences in their capitals. For Bourdieu, class endogemony is a key part of class reproduction. That is challenged here; human emotion cannot be reduced to simple logic. Furthermore, cities offer importance spaces for the reconfiguration of gender (as well as class) dynamics.

This thesis is concerned with developing our understandings and knowledge of children within Early Years Learning (EYL) and the importance of movement and play in processes of social class and cultural (re)production. The ways in which parents from different social classes are involved and invest in their children s education and physical activity have been researched quite extensively. This research therefore looks at the nature of transactions and interactions within EYL settings and the influence social class and parental investment has on children s embodiment, knowledge construction and learner identities. The study pays particular attention to how social inequalities are produced and reproduced within EYL through differences in its organisation, curriculum structures, pedagogical interactions and transactions. Data were collected over a ten month period of sustained critical ethnography in three socially and culturally diverse EYL settings in central England through observations and informal conversations. The collected data were first analysed ethnographically to determine the organising categories and concepts of the setting, while second order analyses brought into to play the researcher s sociological interests in questions of equity, social reproduction and control, imposing another layer of questions on the study. A Bernsteinian theoretical lens was adopted to interrogate the transactions within EYL settings in relation to power and control, while those of others (namely habitus , physical capital and the corporeal device - pace Bourdieu, Shilling, Evans and Davies respectively) were used to embellish such understandings and bring processes of embodiment to the fore. The findings illustrate the complexity of the discourses and practices that children negotiate when re-contextualising knowledge and constructing their learner identities within EYL settings. They also reveal how children learn about their own and others bodies through the various forms of play that feature in EYL settings and that these processes are profoundly class related. At the heart of the thesis lies the claim that extant social class hierarchies and ability differences are sustained rather than eroded or lessened through the structure, organisation and transactions of EYL settings. Finally, recommendations are made as to how UK Government policy relating to EYL might begin to promote pedagogies that enhance the potential for greater social mobility in the UK.

ABSTRACT The present study has concentrated on the relationship between language variation and social structure of society. It has taken into account language usage of speakers and their social background, namely social class and gender. In order to clarify this relationship,the research has been conducted in Turkish society, in particular, Istanbul, and in the Turkish language. The sociolinguistic view adopted advocates the view that language change is the result of the combination of the internal linguistic factors and external social factors. Thus, a brief overview of internal linguistic rules of /h/ deletion in the Turkish and the external social factors in the Istanbul society has been determined. A broad picture of the relationship between the internal rule of language variation and the social structure of the society is provided, as well as a discussion of some controversial issues related to language and its social context. The data for the present study shows that /h/ is a differentiator of social classes and gender in Istanbul. It is worth noting here that the reason of the discrepancy between the speech pattern of the male and female is answered by adopting the term “habitus” as a biopsychosocial process to sociolinguistics. In conclusion, the present study, like many previous studies, demonstrates that language is deeply attached to the social structure of society.

Thesis advisor: Karen D. Arnold / As students increasingly incur high amounts of debt for their undergraduate education, there is heightened concern about the long-term implications of loans on borrowers, especially borrowers from low socioeconomic backgrounds. Drawing upon the concepts of cultural capital and habitus (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977) and the human capital framework (Becker, 1993), this research explores how student debt and social class intersect and affect individuals' trajectory into adulthood. A total of 50 interviews were conducted with young adults who had incurred $30,000 to $180,000 in undergraduate debt and who were from varying social classes. The findings explore how four categories of students -<italic>Insiders, Entrepreneurs, Pioneers, and New Moneys</italic>- varied along dimensions of economic and cultural wealth, and experienced their college search, college education, and transition to the workforce differently. The findings point to the immense role that habitus (Bourdieu, 1986) plays in shaping borrowers' educational experiences and post-graduation outcomes: Individuals' embodied cultural capital shaped their educational experiences and interactions with institutions and the labor market. Those who had high levels of cultural resources tended to have a more rigorous college search, stronger academic orientation, and greater student involvement during college. Compared to other students, they were more likely to transition to high-paying, high-status professional positions after graduation and attend graduate school. In contrast, individuals with low cultural resources tended to have a more casual college search, were more prone to encountering errors with their financial aid, spent a great deal of time working during college, and later faced underemployment in the labor market. They were less likely to report benefiting from a social network and their credential in the labor market and more likely to express regret about their debt and college education. The findings illustrate the inequitable payoff that college and debt have for borrowers with varying levels of cultural resources, and suggest that loans can serve as a form of social reproduction. A conceptual model outlines the factors associated with incurring high levels of debt and illustrates how they relate to borrowers' college experiences and lives post-graduation. In highlighting how debt exacerbates social inequities and the risks it can pose to students, especially students with low income and cultural resources, the findings call for higher education institutions to conduct a comprehensive review of their practices and services from the time students apply to college to after they graduate. Enhanced supports at high schools and community organizations can also assist families, particularly in encouraging participation in early savings plans and strengthening their financial literacy. Additionally, increased governmental scrutiny of borrowing can help protect students from over-indebtedness. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Educational Leadership and Higher Education.

Thesis advisor: David L. Blustein / This study sought to better understand the complex relationship between family, social class, and career development. Social class, which is largely influenced by family of origin, contributes to work opportunities and work, in turn, can determine social class (Diemer & Ali, 2009). As such, work has the potential to promote social mobility among individuals from low-income backgrounds (Blustein, 2006; Matthys, 2012). For young people who have not yet entered the workforce, career expectations, which have been shown to lead to positive outcomes in work and overall wellbeing (Koen et al., 2012; Perry, 2008; Taber & Blankenmeyer, 2015; Zacher, 2014), provide a promising entry point for understanding and influencing the relationship between social class, career development, and social mobility (Perry & Wallace, 2013). Previous research has shown that family, a crucible for the development of social class identity (Brown, 2004), is also a significant predictor of career expectations (Whiston & Keller, 2004). Given the intergenerational nature of social class (Wagmiller & Adelman, 2009), the current study postulates that family, social class identity, and career expectations interact to perpetuate social inequality. The purpose of the present study was to tease apart these interactions through the lens of Social Cognitive Career Theory (Lent, Brown & Hackett, 2002). Broadly, it was hypothesized that one of the ways in which family influences both social class identity and career development is through vicarious learning; children integrate information about class and the world of work through observing their parents’ work experience. This relationship was examined by surveying 298 young adults online and in person. Individuals responded to a survey asking about their caregivers’ work experiences, as well as their own social class identity, parent support, mentoring experiences, and career expectations. Data were analyzed using structural equation modeling and findings revealed that, overall, the hypothesized model describing social class as partially mediating the relationship between caregiver work experiences and work expectations was an excellent fit to the data. Results of the model also suggested that the quality of caregiver work experiences and work expectations is more important to overall work experience than actual occupation. Gender differences were found in the overall fit of the model, as well as the influence of specific variables, such as mentoring. The results are discussed in the context of their contribution to existing literature on intergenerational social mobility and career development. Theoretical and practical implications, as well as limitations of the study, are considered.