Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender os conflitos no interior das práticas sociais e estratégias de luta nos processos de formação e de organização em assentamentos rurais, e seus desdobramentos entre trabalhadores assentados, lideranças e representantes no assentamento da Fazenda Jupira, no município de Porto Feliz (São Paulo), de 1986 até 2006. Na construção da pesquisa buscamos entender o assentamento como espaço social que pode ser expresso nas relações de tensões e conflitos que podem ser desvendadas nas práticas sociais, nas estratégias de luta, impregnadas de simbologias (re)encontros de culturas, espaço de representação e legitimação dos sujeitos sociais. Definimos como área de estudo o Assentamento da Fazenda Jupira, localizado em Porto Feliz/SP, pertencente à Companhia Agrícola, Imobiliária e Colonizadora (CAIC). Optamos pelas entrevistas semi-estruturadas e análises documentais que nos permitiram compreender as várias facetas do conflito. As análises revelam-nos que o conflito no interior das práticas sociais e das estratégias de luta proporciona a incorporação de mecanismos que possibilitam questionamentos de valores seculares (clientelismo, paternalismo), além de instrumentalizar os camponeses com outros conteúdos democráticos que são estruturadores de identidades coletivas. Concluímos que, as práticas e estratégias como: reuniões, assembléias, passeatas, associações, cooperativas e outras redimensionam o universo simbólico, cultural, político e econômico dos assentados e questionam a vida pregressa dos mesmos. / This work intends to understand the conflicts inside in the social practices and the ways of strategies to improve the development process and the organization in the rurals settlements, and his development between settlements laborers, leaders and representatives in settlements from Jupira farm, in Porto Feliz city (São Paulo State), in the period from 1986 until 2006. In the construction of the research we looked for to understand the settlements as social space that it can be expressed in the relationships with tensions, conflicts and they can be unmasked in the social practices, in the ways of strategies, impregnated with symbolic themes, meetings of cultures space of representation and legitimation of social subjects. We defined as study area Jupira Farm Establishment, located in Porto Feliz city (SP), belonging to the Agricultural Company, Real estate and Settler (CAIC). We opted for the semi-structured interviews and documental analyses that we allowed to understand us many facets of conflict. The analyses show us that the conflict inside the social practices and the ways of strategies provides the incorporation of mechanisms that make possible request of secular values (customers, fatherhood), besides it, give tools to the farmer workers with other democratic subjects that are structures of collective identities. We concluded that the practices and strategies like: meetings, assemblies, marches, associations, cooperatives and others, re-structure the symbolic universe, cultural, political and economical of those settlements and they ask about their lifetime before.

La Tunisie est passée d’un régime autoritaire à un régime pluraliste et libéral. Pour autant, est ce que les associations tunisiennes ont changé leur rapport au politique ? A partir d’une étude monographique à Tozeur dans le sud tunisien, le présent travail de recherche appréhende les processus de politisation à travers l’action et l’engagement associatif et leur évolution après ce qu’il est commun d’appeler la « révolution ». La politisation est appréhendée à travers une triple approche. La première porte sur les trajectoires individuelles de l’engagement et les formes d’imbrication ou de rupture avec les carrières militantes de type partisan. La deuxième porte sur les modalités de participation à la construction et la production de l’action publique. La troisième sur le niveau de prise en compte des rapports sociaux de domination.En régime autoritaire, les associations représentaient soit un instrument du système clientélaire de parti unique, soit un espace politique de substitution faisant l’objet d’une politique de domestication. Dans ce contexte, les associations ont été largement absentes de la dynamique insurrectionnelle. Néanmoins, la révolution a contribué à bouleverser le cadre institutionnel. L’institutionnalisation de la participation de la société civile relève d’un processus de normalisation de la logique révolutionnaire.Les associations se retrouvent alors au centre de la gestion politico-administrative du pouvoir local en étant un vecteur essentiel de production des notabilités locales. La promotion de la société civile et l’institutionnalisation des associations conduit paradoxalement à des formes de mise sous tutelle, non plus de l’Etat mais des organisations internationales, qui laissent peu de marges de manœuvre pour une co-construction de l’action publique. Dans ce contexte, si certaines associations sont porteuses d’un discours émancipateur à l’égard de groupes sociaux, elles contribuent malgré elle à des formes de reproductions des rapports sociaux inégalitaires. / Tunisia has moved from an authoritarian to a pluralistic and liberal regime. However, have Tunisian associations changed their relationship to politics and policies? Based on a monographic study in Tozeur in southern Tunisia, the present piece studies the processes of politicization through civic engagement and action and their evolution after what is commonly called the "revolution". Politicization is apprehended through a threefold approach. The first relates to the individual trajectories of engagement and to forms of overlapping or breaking with party-oriented career. The second concerns the modalities of participation in the construction and production of public action. The third concerns the degree of consideration of forces of social domination.Under the authoritarian regime, associations were either an instrument of the single-party clientel system or an alternative political space subject to domestication policy. In this context, associations were largely absent from the insurrectionary dynamics. Nevertheless, the revolution paved the way to major changes of the institutional framework. The institutionalization of the participation of civil society is a process of normalization of revolutionary logic.The associations are then at the center of the politico-administrative management of the local power being an essential vector of production of the local notables. The promotion of civil society and the institutionalization of associations paradoxically lead to place them under the tutelage, not of the State but of the international donors, which gives little room for maneuver to co-constructing public action. In this context, while some associations hold an emancipatory discourse with regard to certain social groups, they unwillingly contribute to reproduce forces of social inequalities.

Against all odds, in uncertain and violent times, Colombian women are mobilising for gender justice. They do so even when they face ongoing violence and personal threats from a variety of armed actors. The questions arise: how and why do women mobilise in contexts of high violence and insecurity? Despite a well-established tradition of studying women's social movements in times of conflict, and of high risk collective action more generally, there is a lacuna when it comes to analysing feminism as a mobilisation strategy. My research uses the case studies of the Liga de las Mujeres Desplazadas (League of Displaced Women, LMD), and AFROMUPAZ (Afro-Colombian Women for Peace) to illustrate the utility of an original framework - High Risk Feminism - to explain how and why women chose to act collectively, despite the real and threatened dangers that this implies. The thesis further looks to a similar setting (an invaded neighbourhood in Riohacha, La Guajira) where displaced women do not mobilise, in order to strengthen the parameters of the HRF framework. In all, it posits that we will see a specifically feminist type of mobilisation emerge when a leader is able to form a charismatic bond with participants by framing participation as 'worth it' in a domain of losses, despite the risks this incurs.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T12:06:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho analisa de forma comparada a formação do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) e do movimento Neozapatista. O estudo parte do exame das experiências históricas dos grupos sociais que originaram esses Movimentos. Assim, a partir da constatação do enlace da religiosidade com cultura a qual pertenciam os segmentos sociais que desencadearam a construção dos Movimentos, destaca-se a relação do catolicismo popular e do catolicismo tradicional com o estabelecimento do MST e do Neozapatismo. / The present paper analyses the relationship between the formation of the Landless Workers Movement (MST) and the Neozapatist Movement. The study starts examining the historical experiences of the social groups that have formed those Movements. Thus, from the mixture of religiosity and culture in witch those segments have belonged, we can highlight the relationship between popular and traditional Catholicism with the establishment of the Landless Workers (MST) and the Neozapatist Movements.

Submitted by William Justo Figueiro (williamjf) on 2015-07-10T21:20:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 34b.pdf: 778969 bytes, checksum: b0d4f78c87ec7279b839e712891e0cce (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-10T21:20:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 34b.pdf: 778969 bytes, checksum: b0d4f78c87ec7279b839e712891e0cce (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esse projeto de pesquisa para dissertação de mestrado visa verificar alguns dos processos que envolvem a construção da identidade coletiva no Movimento Social de Luta contra AIDS (MSLA/RS) através das relações com o Estado/RS nos últimos 30 anos. Para compreensão dos contextos de formação da identidade coletiva se fez uma remontagem histórica do MSLA/RS desde sua fundação até os dias atuais. O estudo se embasará através da perspectiva teórica proposta especialmente, por Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, por meio da análise do discurso. Os procedimentos metodológicos propostos para sua elaboração têm como modalidade a pesquisa qualitativa e como técnicas de coleta de dados serão usadas: entrevistas semiestruturadas, a análise documental, o diário de campo e a observação participante. Baseando-se nos dados da pesquisa e nos referenciais teóricos desses autores, compreende-se que o Estado vem interferindo com “novas” formas de regulação e controle junto ao MSLA/RS no que se refere ao estabelecimento da fronteira política, com isso vem afetando diretamente o processo de construção da identidade coletiva desse movimento. / This research project for dissertation aims to verify some of the processes that involve the construction of collective identity in Social Movement to Fight AIDS (MSLA / RS) through relations with the State / RS in the last 30 years. To understand the context of collective identity formation became a remake of the historical MSLA/RS from its founding to the present day. The study is from the perspective form the basis theoretical especially by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, through discourse analysis. The methodological procedures for its preparation have proposed as a qualitative research method and how data collection techniques will be used: semistructured interviews, document analysis, field diary and participant observation. Based on the survey data and the theoretical frameworks of these authors, it is understood that the state is interfering with "new" forms of regulation and control by the MSLA / RS with regard to the establishment of political boundaries, thus has affected directly the process of constructing the collective identity of the movement.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-27T12:42:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Cucio Guisordi.pdf: 9512728 bytes, checksum: 114c3b0d2b270f04d9191706f67919f9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-27T12:42:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Cucio Guisordi.pdf: 9512728 bytes, checksum: 114c3b0d2b270f04d9191706f67919f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-12 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Observing the increasing use of Internet devices in the political mobilizations of the early 21st century, it is noted that social movements have changed and started to use other means and resources to influence their policies in the public sphere. Understanding this is a global phenomenon and, especially since the 2013 June Jouneys, it also occurs in Brazil, this research sought to understand how social movements use cyberactivism to include their demands in the arenas of Brazilian institutional politics. For this, a case study of the political mobilization on the Internet was carried out in favor of the Ficha Limpa “Clean Record” analyzing the publications that the members of the Movement to Combat Electoral Corruption, performed in the Community of Orkut MCCE Ficha Limpa and the sites that were cited as source of information by the members of the same. In order to qualify the data collected through the mapping and the bibliographical survey, in-depth interviews were conducted with individuals belonging to the National Committee of the Ficha Limpa Campaign, members of the Orkut Community, and with the Avaaz Campaign Coordinator at the time. Through this analysis, it can be verified that cyberactivism contributed to the inclusion of new guidelines in the political arena, but, on the other hand, that it is not the only who guarantees the success of the movement / Observando-se o crescente uso dos dispositivos da internet nas mobilizações políticas do início do século XXI, percebe-se que os movimentos sociais se transformaram e passaram a utilizar outros meios e recursos para incidir em suas pautas na esfera pública. Compreendendo que este é um fenômeno global e que, principalmente a partir das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, também ocorre no Brasil, esta pesquisa buscou compreender como os movimentos sociais se utilizam do ciberativismo para incluir suas demandas nas arenas da política institucional brasileira. Para isto foi realizado um estudo de caso da mobilização política na internet em prol da Ficha Limpa, analisando-se as publicações que os integrantes do Movimento de Combate à Corrupção Eleitoral realizaram na Comunidade do Orkut MCCE Ficha Limpa e os sites que eram citados como fonte de informação pelos integrantes da mesma. Para se qualificarem os dados levantados através do mapeamento e do levantamento bibliográfico, foram realizadas entrevistas em profundidade com indivíduos pertencentes ao Comitê Nacional da Campanha Ficha Limpa, integrantes da Comunidade do Orkut e com a coordenadora de Campanhas do Avaaz na época. Através desta análise, pode-se averiguar que o ciberativismo contribuiu para a inclusão de novas pautas na arena política, mas, por outro lado, que não é apenas ele que garante o êxito do movimento

Worldwide, the collection, separation, and sales of recyclable materials is a survival strategy for many unemployed and impoverished families, especially in urban landscapes. They are called recyclers, and their work is often associated with social exclusion objectively manifested through discrimination by the public, which negatively impacts recyclers’ perceptions of their own self–worth. Discrimination places the recyclers within a marginalized social space and perpetuates poverty and social inequity. Such discrimination is best evidenced by the lack of open dialogue between recyclers and the public. The present research was designed to open spaces for these dialogues to occur, with the ultimate goal of decreasing discrimination suffered by the recyclers from the greater metropolitan region of São Paulo, Brazil. Working collaboratively with recyclers that are affiliated with the Brazilian National Recycling Social Movement (MNCR), and using arts–based research interwoven with theories of social movement, environmental adult education and transformation, I explore the learning that goes along when we use visual arts to bridge the gab between the recyclers and public. During seven months (March–September, 2012), 50 recyclers participated in three different arts–based workshops (abstract painting, impressionism painting, and mosaic) and seven art exhibits in different cities in Brazil. These art workshops and exhibits were video and audio recorded and represent the primary data source in this research project. Discourse analysis combined with a cognitive developmental approach to understand peoples’ free conversation was used as an analytical tool to explore the recorded materials. The artworks produced in this research illustrate recyclers’ stories of poverty, social exclusion, and their victories toward a better future for themselves. The process of creating and exhibiting their paintings mediated the construction of their visual thought, and in this way, they were able to (re)imagine a different reality for themselves. This empowered recyclers because it added value to their work as environmental agents, increasing their sense of self–worth. Additionally, through the art-making process, it was possible to identify moments of realization in one’s life (i.e., epiphanies). By mapping out epiphanies throughout the lifespan of an individual, we can explore their moments of transformation, which is critical in environmental adult education processes. Finally, my findings suggest that community art exhibits are dialogical spaces, where knowledge is co–constructed and mobilized. These exhibits are also alternative sources for income generation for the recyclers and are in fact, environmental adult education practices. / Graduate

Com base em pesquisa realizada no Município de São José dos Campos, São Paulo, Brasil, através de entrevistas e registros em diário de campo, identificou-se e analisou-se os atores sociais locais e sua relação com os temas da participação, dos movimentos sociais e da saúde. Em termos teóricos , classificou-se, a interpretação dos movimentos sociais e da participação em duas direções: uma voltada para a autonomia e, outra para a construção de uma esfera pÚblica. Em termos dos atores sociais analisados, e de suas perspectivas de ação, relacionaram-se diferentes concepções a respeito de saúde. Dois níveis de ação ocupavam o centro da esfera pública: uma ação política, que através do \"movimento\" guardaria um sentido de oposição e de mudança, e uma ação sindical que se basearia na obtenção de salários e melhorias para o grupo de trabalhadores envolvidos. As demandas e expectativas em relação a saúde, ou a um modelo público de saúde, são determinadas por um contexto de discriminação existente entre serviços públicos e privados, sendo estes últimos oferecidos, através de convenios e seguro saúde, aos trabalhadores. As ações de saúde, encontram-se fragmentadas pelos interesses corporativos profissionais, bem como privados e políticos, como de oposição, de crítica generalizada e de procura de obtenção de resultados imediatos. / On the basis of research undertaken in the City of São José dos Campos, São Paulo State, Brazil, and with the use of interview techniques and entries made in a field log, the local social actors involved in the themes health, participation and social movements were identified and analysed. The two following conclusions to the study were drawn. The first, from the theoretical point of view, two tendencies regarding the interpretation of social movements were classified: one towards autonomy and the other towards the reconstruction of the public sphere. The second conclusion, in terms of the social actors analysed and of their actions related to of diversity of meanings attributed to \"health\". two levels of action occupied the center of the stage with regard to the public sphere, on one hand, political action expressing the desire for change and, on the other trade-union action. the demands and aspirations in terms of health should be seen within the context of existing gap between public and private health services, these last offered to the working class by means of contracts between private health services and employers. Health actions were highly fragmented among corporative interests - professional as well as private - and political ones as regards opposition, criticism and results.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa é explicar quais os motivos que levaram os ativistas da Frente San-dinista de Libertação Nacional (FSLN) da Nicarágua a se engajarem em um movimento de alto risco. Argumenta-se que o recrutamento ocorreu nas diferentes fases do movimento e, para explicá-lo, foram reconstruídas as oportunidades políticas para o surgimento da Frente Sandinista; as razões da escolha do repertório de confronto violento; a combinação desse re-pertório com outro não violento; o processo de constituição da liderança de Carlos Fonseca e seu papel angular na construção dos enquadramentos interpretativos sandinistas que atraíram os ativistas para a mobilização. A dissertação analisa também o perfil sociopolítico de ativis-tas de alto risco atuantes no caso estudado, aferindo suas semelhanças e diferenças em compa-ração com participantes de outros movimentos revolucionários latino-americanos. Procura-se identificar fatores individuais e estruturais que levaram esses ativistas a se decidirem por tal tipo de engajamento. Foram utilizadas técnicas de pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa para ana-lisar 121 entrevistas em profundidade das e dos ativistas da Frente Sandinista. Os resultados afiançam que os motivos para engajamento no ativismo de alto risco foram: uma profunda identificação com o antissomozismo propalado pelo movimento, facilitada pela disponibilida-de biográfica dos ativistas e por seus laços sociais, prévios ao seu engajamento, em particular vínculos organizacionais, com os movimentos estudantil e religioso, e vínculos pessoais, via amigos e familiares. / The objective of this research is to explain the motives that led the activists of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) of Nicaragua to engage in a high-risk movement. As re-cruitment occurred in different phases of the movement, it was rebuilt the political opportuni-ties for the emergence of the Sandinista Front; the reasons for the choice of violent confronta-tion repertoire; the combination of this repertoire with a nonviolent repertoire; the leadership of Carlos Fonseca and its angular role in the construction of the Sandinistas interpretive frameworks that attracted activists to mobilize. Once rebuilt the movement\'s bases, analyzed the overall profile and high risk of activists, assessing their similarities and differences com-pared to participants from other Latin American revolutionary movements; and individual and structural factors that led these activists decided on this type of engagement. Quantitative and qualitative research techniques were used to analyze 121 in-depth interviews of activists and the Sandinista Front. The results bail that the reasons for engaging in high-risk activism were a deep identification with the anti-somozismo movement, facilitated by biographical availabil-ity of activists and their social ties, organizational and individual, prior to their engagement. Ties with the student movement and religious prevail between (the) recruited (them), as well as strong ties with friends and family.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:13:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008 - Giuseppa Maria Daniel Spenillo.pdf: 1620863 bytes, checksum: 178ac481d27ca04b2af80abf88e78378 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-04-17 / This work considers the recent social mobilization to promote the notion of communication as a human right by entities and activists as confrontation to the intergovernmental proposal that approaches contemporary phenomena linked to the uses of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in a global process called World Summit on Information Society (CMSI), approved by ONU in 2001 and carried through two stages, in 2003 and 2005. The necessity to raise the level of communication up to the international and central platforms of debate on which society we want , established on an expectation of change summarized in the expressions another world is possible and another communication is possible has been growing since 2001, in the establishment of World Social Forums. This movement leads entities and activists to articulation CRIS gatherings - Communication Rights on the Information Society, that is perceived as a great world campaign for the right to communication. In Brazil an articulation CRIS was formed in 2003. The social history of the mobilization processes with the purpose of communication changes in Brazil is investigated according to a configurational approach and a sociogenesis perspective (Norbert Elias). There is a dual focus: a) the social relations which are established searching the dynamics for change and the political struggle for the right to communication and b) the habitus that support collective and individual actions, strengthen positions, and freeze certain social dynamics (such as the ones crystallized in laws), while being renewed in the social dynamics (as the search for other forms of political fight), which form social configurations. By studying the fight for the right to communication, needs and expectations have been found, imminently human issues that, for Elias, generate the rhythm and directions of social change. The issues dealt with above underlie our perception that rights, although resulting from political struggles and social power redistribution, meet an ideal of equality as derived from an individualistic conception of society. Therefore, the understanding of Human Right, does not account for less visible social inequalities such as those related to communication and information due to the individualistic framework upholding it. / Tratamos neste trabalho da mobiliza??o social recente para formula??o da no??o de comunica??o como um direito humano, promovida por entidades e ativistas como enfrentamento da proposta inter-governamental de abordar fen?menos contempor?neos ligados aos usos de tecnologias de informa??o e comunica??o (TICs) num processo global denominado C?pula Mundial sobre a Sociedade da Informa??o (CMSI), aprovada na ONU em 2001 e realizada em duas etapas, em 2003 e 2005. A necessidade de elevar a comunica??o ao patamar do debate internacional e central sobre qual sociedade queremos , fundada numa expectativa de mudan?a sintetizada nas express?es um outro mundo ? poss?vel e uma outra comunica??o ? poss?vel vem tomando f?lego desde 2001, nos processos de constru??o dos F?runs Sociais Mundiais. Esse movimento leva ? reuni?o de entidades e ativistas na articula??o CRIS Communication Rights on the Information Society. No Brasil ? formada uma articula??o CRIS a partir de 2003. ? a hist?ria social desses processos de mobiliza??o em fun??o de mudan?as na comunica??o, no Brasil, que investigamos a partir de uma abordagem configuracional e na perspectiva da sociog?nese (Norbert Elias). Para tal, entrevistamos entre 2006 e 2007, participantes da articula??o CRIS Brasil e, ainda, da mobiliza??o por mudan?as na comunica??o no Brasil, e acompanhamos, no per?odo, eventos sobre comunica??o e informa??o. No estudo da luta pelo direito ? comunica??o descobrimos necessidades e expectativas, quest?es iminentemente humanas que, para Elias, produzem os ritmos e as dire??es da mudan?a social. Estas quest?es fundamentam nossa tese de que direitos, embora resultem de lutas sociais e sejam redistribui??es de poder nas estruturas sociais, atendem a um ideal de igualdade proveniente da concep??o individualista de sociedade. A compreens?o de Direito Humano, portanto, n?o d? conta de desigualdades sociais menos vis?veis como as de comunica??o e informa??o pelo pr?prio arcabou?o individualista que a sustenta.