The purpose of this dissertation is to assess the impact of patent rights regulation in universities in Sweden and Germany. Two empirical studies were conducted in order to answer the research question What are the incentive effects of patent rights regimes in the university?. A qualitative study based on interviews with representatives from the public support infrastructure in both countries assessed the role of technology transfer offices and other intermediaries in both countries. The process of patenting and commercial exploitation in Sweden and Germany was presented in stylised models. A quantitative study based on a survey of researchers in Sweden and Germany was carried out in order to find out the factors that impact on the decision to apply for patents. The quantitative results together with the qualitative findings from the interview study allow us to draw a number of conclusions. First of all, the incentive effects of patent rights regimes in universities in Sweden and Germany are rather small. Despite two diametrically opposed patent rights regimes – Sweden with researcher-ownership and Germany with universityownership – the results indicate that patenting is rather unaffected by it. Researchers in both countries are similarly patent-active. Thus, the patent rights regime has only limited explanatory power. Other factors seem to have a stronger impact on the incentives to patent. The infrastructure for patenting and commercialisation has an important role. Researchers that received support were more inclined to get their results patented and the results from the interview study indicate that it is mainly a well-working infrastructure that increases incentives to patent and not the patent rights regime alone. When it comes to the public infrastructure for patenting and commercial exploitation, the role of technology transfer offices etc. and the type of support is different in both countries. Swedish public infrastructure provides primarily support with regard to patenting and financial support aiming at the establishment and development of spin-offs. German public infrastructure focuses primarily on patenting and licensing. The patent rights regime has limited power to explain patenting. Structural factors of research organisations and personal characteristics of the researcher are more important. Structural factors such as research orientation (applied vs. basic) can explain patenting behaviour. Researchers that have previous experience with patenting show a greater propensity to patent. The survey results about hindrances to patenting have shown that a lot of researchers did not apply because they lacked knowledge, regarded the patenting process to be too time-consuming or too costly. This illustrates the importance of experience and infrastructure. Since the university wants the researcher to accomplish all three missions (research, teaching and transfer), it has to induce the researchers to do so. Nevertheless, the analysis of the reward system has shown that this is rarely the case. The empirical results in Sweden and Germany show that salary either directly or indirectly is determined by publications and the extent to which researchers acquire external funding. In addition to career concerns and salary, researchers have the possibility to earn a bonus. This bonus is related to the third mission (knowledge transfer) of universities and can take different forms. It can include honoraria for books or lectures, income from consulting assignments, or income from patents. It is therefore important to acknowledge that there is a broad range of means to transfer knowledge and technology. Consulting seems particularly important. The bonus associated with consulting seems to be less risky than the potential bonus of patenting. The maximum bonus with regard to patents is determined by the patent rights regime. In Sweden, the university teachers can receive the entire bonus, whereas this share is limited to 30% in Germany. The chances that a bonus materialises are uncertain. The basic role of technology transfer offices and other actors that support patenting and commercialisation is to reduce the risks associated with patenting. If the risks can be reduced the chances that a bonus will materialise are larger, which increases the incentives of researchers to exert effort with regard to patenting. / Syftet med avhandlingen är att analysera inflytandet av patenträttsregleringen i universitet i Sverige och Tyskland. Två empiriska studier har genomförts för att få ett svar på forskningsfrågan Vad är incitamentseffekterna av patenträttsregimer i universiteten?. En kvalitativ studie baserad på intervjuer med representanter för den offentliga infrastrukturen i båda länder analyserade tekniköverföringsaktörernas roll. Processen för patentering och kommersialisering i Sverige och Tyskland har illustrerats i grafiska modeller. En kvantitativ studie baserad på en enkätundersökning av forskare i båda länder har genomförts för att veta mer om de faktorer som påverkar beslutet att söka patent. De kvantitativa resultaten tillsammans med de kvalitativa resultaten från intervjustudien gör det möjligt att dra slutsatser. Först och främst så är incitamentseffekterna av patenträttsregimer i universiteten ganska små. Trots två motsatta patenträttsregimer – i Sverige äger forskaren forskningsresultaten (”Lärarundantaget”) i Tyskland universiteten – visar resultaten att patentering inte berörs av detta. Forskarna i båda länderna är lika patent aktiva. Patenträttsregimer har därför begränsad förklaringskraft. Andra faktorer har starkare påverkan på incitament att söka patent. Infrastrukturen för patentering och kommersialisering spelar en viktig roll. Forskare som fått stöd visade en större sannolikhet att söka patent och resultaten från intervjustudien visar att det är främst en väl fungerande infrastruktur som ökar incitament att söka patent och inte bara patenträttsregimen. Den offentliga infrastrukturen i båda länder har lika roller. Den svenska offentliga infrastrukturen stödjer patentering och nystartandet av företag genom finansiellt stöd. Den tyska offentliga infrastrukturen stödjer framförallt patentering och licensiering. Patenträttsregimer har begränsat förklaringskraft. Strukturella faktorer, såsom forskningsorientering (tillämpad vs. grundforskning) kan delvis förklara patentbenägenheten. Forskare som har erfarenhet av patentsystemet har större patentbenägenhet. Enkätresultaten om hinder att patentera har visat att många forskare avstår att söka patent på grund av begränsad kunskap eller på grund av tidsbrist. Detta illustrerar hur viktig erfarenhet och infrastruktur är. Universitet som vill att forskare ska fullfölja alla tre uppgifter (forskning, undervisning och kunskapsöverföring) borde uppmuntra forskarna att satsa på alla tre uppgifter. Ändå har analysen av belöningssystemen visat att så är sällan fallet. De empiriska resultaten i Sverige och Tyskland visar att lönen är direkt eller indirekt beroende av publikationer och i vilken mån forskarna lyckas att attrahera externa medel. Utöver karriären och lönen har forskarna möjlighet att tjäna en bonus. Bonusen är relaterad till tredje uppgiften (kunskapsöverföring) och kan ta olika former. Det kan inkludera arvode för böcker eller föreläsningar, inkomster från konsultverksamhet eller inkomster från patent. Därför är det viktigt att erkänna att det finns olika kanaler för kunskaps- och tekniköverföring. Konsultverksamhet har visat sig särskild viktigt eftersom bonusen i relation till konsultverksamhet är mindre riskabelt än bonusen relaterad till patent. Maximala bonus i relation till patent påverkas av patenträttsregimen. I Sverige kan forskaren få alla intäkter från ett patent. I Tyskland är andelen begränsat till 30 procent av alla bruttoinkomster från patentet. Chansen att en bonus kommer till stånd är osäkert. Tekniköverföringsorganisationer kan reducera riskerna som är relaterad till patent och kommersiell exploatering. Om riskerna kan reduceras och om chanserna att en bonus erhålls ökar, ökar incitamenten för forskarna att anstränga sig att patentera.

Abstract available in pdf file.

The two aims of the study are to describe and analyse: i) how drug abusers have transformed their lives from the time when they did not use drugs, to becoming drug abusers, and finally leaving drugs behind them; and ii) what it means to be socially integrated with one's experience of having been a drug abuser. The study builds on qualitative research interviews with seven women and seven men. With symbolic interactionism as the point of departure the interviewees' lives are described and discussed as existential, meaning-creating processes characterised by modulations in the meaning they have given their lives. Most of the interviewees have grown up under disadvantageous conditions. They began us­ing drugs in adolescence. Over time their lives became very difficult to the point that they occa­sionally questioned their lives as drug abusers. The interviewees faced serious situations when they decided to leave the drug abuse life. No matter what motives they describe for beginning to change their lives, their decisions were influenced partly by negative social consequences gen­erated by drug abuse, and partly by positive social changes. Most of the interviewees went through institutional treatment to cease drug abuse. But their experiences of treatment can be regarded as a part of a prolonged change process which is influenced by many other factors outside of the treatment context. Today the interviewees live "normal lives". They are working or studying. The family is an important part of their lives. Most of them are engaged in different organisations, for example sport clubs, political parties, or Narcotics Anonymous. The fact that they succeed in ceasing drug abuse and today are leaving "normal lives" can not be explained by the possibility that they as group were better equipped socially, by hereditary, or by acquired characteristics, than people who continue to use drugs. Rather, changes in their existential conditions made it possible for them to cease drug abuse. Of decisive meaning was that they took part in social contexts where they built relationships to people who gave them confidence and who were able to see and meet the interviewees during their initial fragile striv­ing for change. The interviewees ambivalence and insecurity about building a life without drugs was reduced by the fact that they felt acceptance and respect from people who assumed the interviewees had resources and knowledge that were important for living "normal lives". / digitalisering@umu

The image of two US athletes with black glove-covered fists raised on the podium at the 1968 Mexico City Olympics is iconic. However, despite a number of academic studies, articles, books, lectures and films addressing this moment, the deeper story behind that student-athlete protest at Mexico 68 is little known. It was far from being a merely spontaneous or violent action. In fact, the protest was part of a concerted and largely peaceful effort to highlight several systemic injustices of the late 1960s by a group named the Olympic Project for Human Rights. As will be demonstrated in this thesis, it follows that the deeper story of the student-athlete protests at Mexico 68 are ripe with significance from both: (1) a Peace Studies perspective, focussing on structural injustice, and (2) a Conflict Resolution Studies viewpoint, which upholds value in the constructive settling of disputes. Employing a Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS) lens, which keeps both sets of concerns in view, and undertaking descriptive and analytical approaches that bring the voice of the athletes to the fore as much as possible given the limitations of this study, allows for a discussion of remarkable student-athletes interacting not only within the competitive structure of their sport at the Olympics, but also amongst social, institutional, and political contexts. This approach becomes foundational for the conclusion that the athletes involved in protests at Mexico 68 were players (i.e., agents) and not pawns, in relation to complex socio-political forces, which sought to manipulate and oppress them. Moreover, this PACS approach allows for twelve concrete lessons flowing from the stories of the athletes to be delineated for their contemporary relevance in a world where far too many injustices remain. In short, the main protest is herein presented as an awe-inspiring moment, simultaneously as a compass and a key, which when integrated with a PACS perspective serves to guide us towards a fuller understanding of the Olympic Project for Human Rights and it goals, unlocking what is revealed in this study to be a potentially important moment in the history of cultures of peace.

This study examined relationships between facial appearance, gender-linked traits, and feminist stereotypes. Naïve college students rated traits based on facial appearance of female CEO's whose companies appeared in the Forbes 1000 list. The photos of each female CEO (n=35) were randomly combined with two descriptive identifiers; an occupation (n=9) and an interest area (n=9), including 'feminist'. Participants then rated the head shots of the CEO's on a 7 point Likert scale of communal (expected feminine) traits like attractiveness, warmth, compassion and cooperativeness, and on agentic (expected masculine) traits like ambition, leadership ability and intelligence. If college students hold negative stereotypes of feminists, feminist identified women are expected to be rated lower on levels of attractiveness, warmth, compassion and cooperativeness, but higher in leadership ability, ambition, and intelligence. Results demonstrated that participants did not hold negative stereotypes of feminists as they rated them similarly to environmentalists, progressives, and liberals. Results demonstrated that participants held negative stereotypes about conservatives and republicans.

In this thesis, I problematize the United States’ response to the global phenomenon characterized as human trafficking. The framing of trafficking as policy issue takes place in the context of politicized claims about the nature and prevalence of trafficking, its relation to the sex industry, and the kind of response that is required. U.S. anti-trafficking policy was built and shaped in the context of fears about immigration, global labor, and the sex industry. As a result, trafficking has been used to justify oppressive domestic reactions such as border crackdown, scrutiny of immigrant and sex worker communities, and victim “protection” that barely differs from prosecution. The United States has also leveraged anti-trafficking measures such as the policy prescriptions in the Trafficking in Persons Report and sanctions for countries that fall in the bottom tier to build a global response to trafficking that suits the hegemony of the United States rather than the needs of vulnerable populations. Through the government-subsidized “rescue industry”—an army of U.S.-based NGO’s and humanitarian groups—the United States has effectively exported an imperialistic response to trafficking based on Christian ethics and neoliberal economics around the world. These policies are distinctly out of touch with the experiences and needs of the supposed “victims of trafficking,” those attempting to survive at the bottom of global capitalist labor markets. As a result, I characterize anti-trafficking as a form of structural violence, and emphasize the need for an alternative movement that addresses the actual problems experienced by global laborers and the complicity of the United States in creating the conditions for labor exploitation.

Exploring age structure in Mediterranean cultures illuminates the social dynamics of intergenerational relationships that became more visible in late first and early second century early Christian texts, and especially in 1 Timothy 5. This was a time of crisis when those with a living memory of the foundations of the movement were almost gone, and the community was scrutinized by outsiders. Since we have relatively few clues related to aging and age structure in the extant texts, a model of generational stability and social change based on ethnographic data helps us to imagine culturally sensitive possibilities that we can then test out as we reread the texts in their Roman cultural context. In his fictive story of Paul and Timothy, the author of the heterographical (pseudepigraphical) letter of 1 Timothy establishes an ideal intergenerational relationship between “Paul” as an older man and “Timothy” as his adult “child.” When the fictive Paul directs Timothy to speak kindly to older people (5:1-2), he introduces a section on age-related issues. Behaviour that was causing concern for public reputation included adult children shirking filial duty (5:4, 8), young widows gadding about in public (5:11-15), and younger men accusing their elders (5:19). These behaviours threatened the reputation and honour of the community and may have been encouraged by the opposing faction. The author’s solution was to reject the opposing teachings and enforce behaviour that reflected proper age structure: adult children should fulfill their filial responsibilities and care for widowed mothers and grandmothers (5:4); young widows should be guided and supported by middle-aged women who were responsible for them in the age hierarchy among women (5:16); middle-aged women should imitate the exemplary behaviour of the enlisted widows who were over 60 years old; and young men were to be rebuked in front of everyone for their disrespect toward elders (5:20). In the face of social change, the author advocates for behaviour reflective of the traditional age structure of Roman society.

Since the 1960s, the modern environmental movement, though generally liberal in nature, has historically excluded a variety of serious and influential groups. This thesis concentrates on the movement of working-class housewives who emerged into popular American consciousness in the seventies and eighties with their increasingly radical campaigns against toxic contamination in their respective communities. These women represent a group who exhibited the convergence of cultural influences where domesticity and environmentalism met in the middle of American society, and the increasing focus on public health in the environmental movement framed the fight undertaken by women who identified as “housewives.” These women, in their use of both traditional female stereotypes as well as radical influences from other social movements, synthesized their own unique type of activism, which has had a profound influence on the environmental movement and public health in the United States, especially in its relation to environmental justice.

Lack of knowledge about the lived experience of leisure is a result of the distanced, objective way in which it has primarily been studied (Hemingway, 1999), and there is an increased interest in conceptualizing leisure as a dynamic force for social and political change (Shaw, 1994; 2001; Mair, 2002/03; Sharpe, 2008). Constructs such as resistance (Shaw, 2001), critically reflexive leisure (Mair, Sumner & Rotteau, 2008) and pleasure-politics (Sharpe, 2008) illuminate the role and potential of individual and collective leisure in social change. Within a critical constructionist, qualitative research design, this study of witchcamps and magical activism was informed by feminist, queer, and leisure theories. Data were collected through participant-observation at 2 witchcamps, 21 semi-structured intensive interviews, 11 focused interviews, and 19 elicited electronic text submissions. This research reflects the emerging trend within leisure studies of using qualitative approaches and reflexivity to look at our own leisure (Axelsen, 2009; Collinson, 2007; Havitz, 2007; Lashua & Fox 2006; MacKellar, 2009; McCarville, 2007; Parry & Johnson, 2007; Rowe, 2006; Samdahl, 2008). As a member of the witchcamp community under study, the research was carried out in the researcher’s own community ‘backyard’ (Glesne & Peshkin, 1992), and as insider research, it provides a detailed description of alternative culture from the viewpoint of a professional researcher and personal insider. Data analysis followed a constant-comparative method, and employed memo writing, thematic, and focused coding. The study provides insight into the intersection of leisure, ecospirituality, community, and social change. Setting, activities, beliefs, and community intersect to function as a container for personal and social transformation, and provide an ‘antidote’ to alienation and isolation experienced by individuals in the dominant culture. The study provides empirical evidence of the centrality of leisure to community responsibility for broader social, political and environmental concerns, as theorized by Arai and Pedlar (2003). This research furthers the perspective that community is multidimensional, and has the potential to unify marginalized groups (Arai & Pedlar, 2003). The findings of this study also reflect Mair’s (2006) conceptualization of community as one that provides a space for celebration of diversity.

唐承魏晉南北朝楊隋之後，門第勢力仍然巨大，然大唐立國建基，又有一番前朝沒有 的新氣象，在融合與蛻變的過程中表現得多姿多彩，以研究社會變動為樞紐，最能發 掘出這一時代政治社會的特性。以上前輩學者在這方面的貢獻以及其尚未圓滿解決的 問題，激發了進一步研究的動機。（一）、唐代的社會架構如何？有沒有變動？在這 個架構中統治階層社會成分為何？（二）、居於架構底層的人物─寒素是否宥機會進 入統治階層？其機會有多少？各階級身分變動的情況如何？（三）、士族小姓在唐代 政治社會中所扮演的角色為何？族姓的興衰為何？（四）、各類人物透過那些途徑進 入統治階層？科舉、用蔭、薦辟等方式對變動有多少程度助力？（五）、影響統治階 層社會變動的因素為何？其影響的程度為何？現存的第一手資料如墓誌搨本、新舊唐 書等皆偏於政治社會的上層人物的記載，故以統治階層為研究的範圍。本文各章節希 望能力系統地解答有關唐代統治階層社會變動的問題。 為研究動態變化的軌跡，以及社會變動的趨向，必須將整個唐代分為若天段落，以便 利於比較研究。本文分期以「代」(Generation)為單位，每代通常是以二十五年至三 十年計，但研究中國歷史的問題，需配合皇帝的更替與政局的變化，因為每個皇帝的 繼位與政局的變動，常常引起內外大臣的更易，而影響統治階層的升降，故略微依據 朝代中皇位的轉移點及政局的變化點，要比硬性規定以一定的年限斷代(Generation) 較合於實際。從比較觀察的立場而言，本文又希望分期後的每期都大致能自成單元， 或在某事件上有若干特色。本文依這些原則將二百八十九年的唐廟（公元618-906A .D) 劃分為十一期。即： 第一期。公元618-649 A.D.唐高祖武德九年，太宗貞觀二十三年。共三十二年。 第二期。公元650-683 A.D.高宗永徽六年、顯慶五年、龍朔三年、麟德二年、乾封 二年，總章二年、咸享四年，上元二年、儀鳳三年、調露一年、永隆一年、開輝一年 、永淐一年、弘道一年。共三十四年。 第三期。西元684-709 A.D.唐中宗嗣聖、睿宗文明、武太后光宅共一年。垂拱四年 ，永昌一年。武周天授二年，如意一年，長壽一年，延載一年，天冊萬歲、萬歲登封 共一年，萬歲通天一年，神功一年、聖曆二年、久視一年，大足半年、長安四年。唐 中宗神龍二年，景龍三年。共二十六年。 第四期。公元710-732 A.D.睿宗景雲二年，太極一年。玄宗開元一至二十年。共二 十三年。 第五期。公元734-755 A.D.玄宗開元二十一年至二十九年，天寶十四載。共二十二 年。 第六期。公元756-779 A.D.肅宗至德二年，乾元二年，上元二年，寶應一年。代宗 廣德二年，永泰一年，大曆十四年。共二十四。 第七期。公元780-805 A.D.德宗建中四年，興元一年，貞元二十一年。共二十六年 。 第八期。公元806-820 A.D.順宗永貞半年。憲宗永和十五年。穆宗長慶四年。敬宗 寶曆二年。共二十一年。 第九期。公元827-846 A.D.文宗太和九年，開成五年。武宗會昌六年。共二十年。 第十期。公元847-873 A.D.宣宗大中十三年。 懿宗咸通十四年。共二十七年。 第十一期。公元874-906 A.D.僖宗乾符六年，廣明一年，中和四四年，光啟三年， 文德一年。昭宗龍紀一年，大順二年，景福二年，乾寧四年，光化三年，天復三年， 天祐二年。共三十二年。 /