Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the early 1970s the National Party government under B.l Vorster experienced serious problems due to its policy on the Coloured population. Issues concerning the mutual relations between the population groups came strongly to the fore and the government's policy of separate development was subject to widespread and severe criticism. The period 1970-1974 is generally regarded as a time of change in South Afiica due to international and foreign pressures. South Afiica's position in the international community deteriorated dramatically and attitudes towards the Republic became increasingly hostile in the rest of the world. Furthermore, the Vorster government was confronted with two opposing schools of thought within the party itself, the so-called verligtes and the verkramptes. During the 1970s the political decision-making processes became entangled in a continuous struggle between the enlightened wing of the National Party, the so-called Cape Liberals, and a more conservative element, the verkramptes of the Transvaal. Race relations issues and the government's Coloured policy in particular were often the source of contention. In March 1973 Vorster appointed a Commission of Enquiry into Matters Relating to the Coloured Population Group. It was chaired by prof Erika Theron, formerly professor in Social Work at the University of Stellenbosch. The Theron Commission, as it became known generally, consisted of twenty members, six of whom were Coloureds. The Commission had to investigate the following: the progress made by the Coloured population group since 1960 in the social, economic and constitutional spheres as well as in the fields of local management, culture and sport; constraining factors in the various fields that could be identified as sources of contention; and any other related matters. The Theron Commission's report was tabled in parliament three years later on 18 June 1976. The Soweto riots that broke out two days before, however, forced news of the report out of the newspapers and caused its influence to be largely dissipated. The Theron report contained a number of recommendations that were directly in conflict with the government's apartheid policy and were hence not acceptable to the government. Consequently, the government - by way of an interim memorandum and a later white paper - rejected those recommendations that affected the core of its apartheid policy. The recommendations included the repeal of the Mixed Marriages Act (Act 55 of 1949) and Section 16 of the Immorality Act (Act 23 of 1957), two of the cornerstones of the policy of apartheid. Recommendation No. 178, in which the commission recommended direct representation for Coloureds at the various levels of government, was also rejected by the government. The potential influence of the Theron Commission's report to influence change was thus firmly nipped in the bud. The government's reaction caused bitter disappointment among the Coloured population as well as enlightened Whites and at the same time fuelled the conflict between the verligtes and the verkramptes. It also ensured intensified criticism from the opposition parties, especially the United Party. Yet the recommendations of the Theron Commision's report played a prominent role in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when the wheels of political change began to tum, and let to the tricameral parliamentary system of 1984 in which the Coloured population group was also represented. The Arbeidersparty of South Africa (APSA) - Ministers' Council, which was in control of the House of Representatives from 1984 to 1992, consistently endeavoured to negotiate a better social, economic and constitutional position for the Coloured population on the basis of the Theron Commission's report. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die vroeë sewentigerjare van die twintigste eeu het die Nasionale Party-regering, onder die bewind van BJ. Vorster, ernstige probleme ten opsigte van sy Kleurlingbeleid ondervind. Probleme rondom die bevolkingsverhoudingsvraagstuk het sterk op die voorgrond getree en die regering se beleid van afsonderlike ontwikkeling aan wydverspreide en hewige kritiek onderwerp. Die tydperk 1970-1974 word allerweë deur kritici beskou as 'n tydperk van verandering in Suid-Afrika vanweë toenemende binne- en buitelandse druk. Suid-Afrika se posisie binne die internasionale gemeenskap het drasties verswak en die buiteland het 'n vyandige gesindheid jeens die Republiek geopenbaar. Daarbenewens het die Vorster-regering gebuk gegaan onder twee botsende denkrigtings binne die partygeledere, die sogenaamde verligtes en die verkramptes. Die politieke besluitnemingsprosesse van die sewentigerjare was vasgevang tussen die verligte vleuel van die Nasionale Party, die sogenaamde Cape Liberals, en 'n meer konserwatiewe element, die verkramptes van Transvaal tussen wie daar 'n voortdurende stryd gewoed het. Die bevolkingsverhoudingsvraagstuk en die regering se Kleurlingbeleid was gereeld in die spervuur. In Maart 1973 het Vorster 'n Kommissie van Ondersoek na Aangeleenthede rakende die Kleurlingbevolkingsgroep aangestel. Die voorsitter was prof Erika Theron, voormalige hoogleraar in Maatskaplike Werk aan die Universiteit van Stellenbosch. Die Theronkommissie, soos dit algemeen bekend sou staan, is saamgestel uit twintig lede waaronder ses Kleurlinge. Die kommissie moes ondersoek instel na die volgende: die vordering van die Kleurlingbevolkingsgroep sedert 1960 op maatskaplike, ekonomiese en staatkundige gebied asook op die terreine van plaaslike bestuur, kultuur en sport; stremmende faktore op die verskillende terreine wat as knelpunte geïdentifiseer kon word; en enige verdere verwante sake. Die Theron-verslag is drie jaar later op 18 Junie 1976 in die parlement ter tafel gelê. Die Soweto-onluste wat twee dae tevore uitgebreek het, het egter die verslag van die persblaaie verdring en die invloed daarvan grootliks verlore laat gaan. Die Theron-verslag het aanbevelings bevat wat lynreg in stryd was met die apartheidsbeleid en wat nie vir die regering aanneemlik was nie. Gevolglik het die regering by wyse van 'n tussentydse memorandum en 'n latere witskrif daardie aanbevelings wat die kern van sy apartheidsbeleid aangetas het, afgekeur. Onder die aanbevelings was die herroeping van die Wet op die Verbod van Gemengde Huwelike (Wet No. 55 van 1949) en Artikel 16 van die Ontugwet (Wet No. 23 van 1957), twee van die hoekstene van die apartheidsbeleid. Aanbeveling No. 178, waarin die kommissie regstreekse verteenwoordiging vir die Kleurlinge op die verskillende owerheidsvlakke en in besluitnemingsprosesse aanbeveel het, is ook deur die regering afgekeur. Sodoende is die Theron-verslag se potensiële invloed tot verandering in die kiem gesmoor. Die regering se reaksie het bittere teleurstelling onder die Kleurlinge en die verligte blankes veroorsaak en terselfdertyd die fel stryd tussen die verligtes en die verkramptes aangewakker. Dit het ook toenemende kritiek komende van die opposisiepartye, veral die Verenigde Party, op die regering verseker. Die aanbevelings van die Theron-verslag het nietemin 'n prominente rol gespeel in die laat sewentigerjare en vroeë tagtigerjare toe die wiel van politieke veranderinge begin draai het en uitgeloop het op die Driekamerparlementstelsel van 1984 waarbinne die Kleurlinge ook verteenwoordig was. Die Arbeidersparty van Suid-Afrika (APSA) - Ministersraad wat sedert 1984 tot 1992 in beheer van die Raad van Verteenwoordigers binne die Driekamerparlement was, het hom voortdurend beywer om aan die hand van die Theronverslag, 'n beter sosiale, ekonomiese en staatkundige posisie vir die Kleurlinge te beding.

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This thesis aims to illustrate and explain contemporary interactions between Western ethnographic museums and broader society. It is based on one central case study, the Slovene Ethnographic Museum (SEM) in Ljubljana, Slovenia. A majority of informants expressed a wish for the museum to be a platform for dialogue. In connection to their visions, this thesis discusses the potential of ethnographic museums to work towards promoting and facilitating inclusivity and social change as well as some tensions that arise from this development. This is done through an analysis of ethnographic data on museum employees’ views on the relevance and responsibilities of the museum and its status as a cultural and scientific institute. New museology and actor-network theory are used as primary analytical tools. A responsibility to represent ‘correctly’ in the museum is related to the influence that tangible and intangible heritages, as actants, can have on society. It is argued that cultural heritage could be instrumental in achieving positive social change. However, there is a core tension between the envisioned position of the museum and the power hierarchy that it maintains through its identity as a scientific institute that shapes dominant knowledge.

The end of the Second World War found the city of Thessaloniki devastated by the loss of nearly its total Jewish population in the concentration camps of the Third Reich. A few survivals return to their city just to realize that their fortunes have been confiscated either by the local authorities or by their Christian neighbors. Some Jews decide to leave their former homeland and some others take the decision to remain and start their life from scratch. For the following decades, the Jewish history of the city is being carefully and on purpose hidden and the collective memory erases the traces of Jews. In this part of the story, the Jews by themselves kept a low public profile and remained silent, struggling to survive and rebuild their fortunes. It was in 2013, when a heterogeneous group of people decided to launch the Memory Walk “Never Again” for the 50.000 Jews of Thessaloniki who lost their lives in the Shoa (Holocaust). The Memory walk had to deal with the barriers of the strong nationalistic profile of the city and of its local population. However, the Memory walk came to be established as an institution which exists and grows until today. The current paper examines how local digital media approached the first Memory walk taking into consideration the Jewish history, the stereotypes regarding Jews, the antisemitism and the strong nationalist and deeply religious profile of the city. The first part describes the Jewish presence in Thessaloniki under the Ottoman Empire, the consequences of the Hellenization of the city in 1912, the national identity formation process and the mobilizing role of the Orthodox Church in the political and cultural homogenization. In the second part, digital media articles related to the first Memory Walk are being analyzed according to the CDA (critical discourse analysis) and a critical reflection on how media approached the Memory walk is finally presented. The analysis results will be finalized with the conclusions which derive from in person interviews with key stakeholders of the Memory Walk.

This thesis offers an account of children's lived experiences in Rwanda (1930s-2016) in four key domains: kinship, education, economic transitions, and marriage. Based on historical and ethnographic fieldwork in rural and urban Rwanda from 2012 to 2014, this work explores how three generations of young people have experienced and navigated childhood and coming of age at the interface of 'traditional' and 'modern' institutional systems. Rather than focusing narrowly on 'crisis' childhoods, individual agency, or exogenous forces, as studies of young Africans and social change tend to, this work examines young people's 'everyday' actions - intentional and unintentional, individual and collective, compliant and non-compliant - and locates them within their broader historical, relational, and institutional environment. By focusing on the intensely reproductive period of childhood and coming of age, on Rwanda's unexceptional majority rather than its exceptionally vulnerable minority, and on children's everyday actions rather than the strategic actions of elites, this thesis shows us how children shape the institutions of childhood and marriage and, in so doing, influence how society is reproduced and changed. Theoretically, this thesis explains how children and their institutional environment are mutually constituting: it examines how and why young people experience rapid change and structural violence differently and it traces how they reproduce and change these structural conditions as they engage with institutional mechanisms in (un)intended ways. The research reveals that children in central Rwanda navigate constraints and opportunities by drawing on established kinship relationships and institutions while also opportunistically engaging with modern institutions and their actors. However, in this context of 'institutional multiplicity', traditional and modern institutional systems each need Rwanda's young majority to reproduce their institutions over others', and as intended, to achieve their power-distributional goals. This makes children's actions particularly consequential and demands that we redefine what political action - and political actors - look like.

Religious freedoms in the countries which were once part of the Soviet Union have gradually been on the decline since the mid 1990s. Reflective of de-democratisation trends in many states, religious market liberalisation has lost momentum. Governments have increasingly used methods to restrict non-traditional religious organizations similar to those used in protecting national industries. These range from subsidies for traditional churches to regulatory barriers and even outright bans on non-traditional groups. This drift towards a restrictive religious playing field has coincided with traditional dominant churches being more vocal in the debate over religious institutional design. In this thesis I examine the motives of traditionally dominant churches in either advocating legal restrictions on non-traditional religious entities or promoting a religious free market. Variation in attitudes and policies across traditional churches suggests explanatory variables are at play. A multi-methodological approach is used to understand policy formulation within the hierarchical establishments of traditional churches on religious liberties and religious pluralism. In addition to utilising path-dependent modelling to account for churches' Soviet existence, assumptions drawn from recent scholarship in applying rational choice methodology to the study of religion is used to conceptualise present-day market features. Findings from three churches suggest that a church'€™s agenda on religious liberalisation and plurality stems from hierarchical perceptions of the direction of change of their church'€™s relative influence in society. That perception is heavily rooted in the intersection of Soviet experience and transitional market place dynamics. This thesis adds a case-study contribution to the growing academic discourse on institutional change in transitional societies. In particular, it identifies the mechanisms by which institutional transformation and the creation of a vibrant civil society can stagnate in transitional societies.

Socialsekreterare verkar vara frånvarande i samhällsdebatten. Det är problematiskt, dels för att det ur en demokratisk aspekt är viktigt med insyn i offentlig förvaltning, dels för vikten av att någon – till exempel den aktör med mest kompetens på området – ger röst åt de utsatta i samhället som kan ha svårt att göra sig själva och sina behov hörda. Syftet med uppsatsen är att visa socialsekreterares syn på eventuella hinder som finns för dem att kommentera och debattera sociala frågor i det offentliga rummet. För att uppnå det genomfördes semistrukturerade intervjuer med sex stycken personer som jobbar med myndighetsutövning inom socialtjänsten. I intervjuerna kom det fram att det finns saker som hindrar socialsekreterarna att engagera sig i det offentliga samtalet. Dessa hinder verkar grunda sig i en krock mellan myndighetskulturen och idealet av socialarbetarrollen. Socionomen har under sin utbildning fått särskild professionskunskap men måste, när denne kliver in i socialtjänsten, förhålla sig till att förmågan att underordna sig organisationens sätt att arbeta på och att förvalta statlig makt värd­eras högst. Utifrån ett nyinstitutionellt perspektiv kan en förklaring till socialsekreterarnas tystnad vara att det inte ligger i myndighetens intresse att de ska uttala sig offentligt. Det riskerar att skada legitimi­teten vilket är ett hot mot organisationens existens. Därför växer det fram en icke stöttande kultur där rädsla och oro frodas, och där det inte skapas tydlighet kring ifall det ingår i socialsekreterarrollen att främja social förändring även på strukturell nivå. I en rituell socialiseringsprocess internaliserar social­sekreterarna organisationens trosuppfattningar till sina egna. De här sakerna bidrar till att socialsekre­terarna inte ger sig ut för att kommentera och debattera sociala frågor i det offentliga rummet. / Social service workers seem to be silent in public debate. For the sake of democracy, it is important there is transparency in public administration, hence the silence is problematic. It is also problematic because of the importance that someone – for instance the player with the most competence, experi­ence and expertise in the field – functions as a voice for the vulnerable who may have difficulties mak­ing themselves and their needs heard. The aim of this thesis is to show the views of social service workers on potential obstacles for them to comment and debate social issues in public debate. To accomplish this, semi-structured interviews were conducted with six persons working with responsi­bility for public authority within the social service. From the interviews it appeared that there are things hindering the social service workers to engage in social debate. These obstacles seem to be based on a clash between the authority culture and the ideal of the social worker role. The social worker has from his or her education gained certain professional knowledge but has to, when entering the social service, relate to that knowledge being valued less than the ability to subserve the organiza­tion’s way of working and to administer government dictat. From a neo-institutionalism perspective, one explanation for the silence of the social workers is that it is not in the organization’s interest that they should speak publicly. That risks hurting the legitimacy which is a threat to the organization’s very existence. Therefor a non-supporting culture grows where fear and anxiety flourish, and no intel­ligibility is created about if it is a part of the social service worker’s role to encourage social change also on a structural level. In a ritual socialization process the social service workers internalize the organization’s beliefs. These things contribute to social service workers not commenting on or debat­ing social issues in public debate.

Cette recherche porte sur des dynamiques plurielles d’accès au droit et à la justice chez les plus pauvres. Dans le contexte actuel marqué par la mondialisation du capitalisme, on assiste à la judiciarisation galopante de la société qui semble induite par la première; les individus aspirent de plus en plus à être des sujets de droit et tout ou presque se réfère à la justice. Dans le même temps, l’enrichissement démesuré des uns et l’appauvrissement des autres n’a pas réduit le fossé et les tensions entre riches et pauvres, forts et faibles. Si la justice est un besoin fondamental inné chez tout être humain, accéder à ses institutions et en obtenir des décisions à sa faveur à juste titre reste dans une certaine mesure dans l’imaginaire et dans la réalité de moult sociétés, comme étant l’apanage des plus nantis et des plus forts. Aussi, des dynamiques personnelles, sociales, culturelles, citoyennes, internationales, se forment et se développent pour briser ce déterminisme en prêtant main forte aux indigents afin qu’ils puissent accéder à la justice. En effet, face à la cherté et la complexité de la justice institutionnelle, de multiples acteurs se mobilisent autour des citoyens démunis et à travers des mécanismes alternatifs internes à la justice institutionnelle, ou parallèles à celle-ci.Ces formes de justice, émergentes ou résurgentes, aussi bien dans l’espace privé que dans l’espace publique, qui s’adaptent à la rationalité du droit moderne ou qui participent d’autres rationalités et cultures, interrogent d’une part l’Etat de droit, la gouvernance et le développement, et d’autre part l’universalisme et le particularisme. Il s’agit de trouver à travers chacune des justices, la preuve qu’elle contribue à la défense des droits humains universels, corollaire de la subjectivation. / This research work focuses on the multiple agents of access to law and justice for the poor. In the current context marked by the globalization of capitalism, we witness the ever growing judiciarisation of society which seems to result from the former phenomenon; people increasingly seek to be subjects of law and everything or almost everything refers to justice.In the meantime, the disproportionate wealth of some people and impoverishment of others has not reduced the gap and tension between the rich and the poor, the strong and the weak. While justice is a natural fundamental need for every human being, to access the judicial machinery and to rightfully obtain a favorable court ruling is, to some extent perceived in many societies, wrongly or rightly, as being the privilege of the richest and of the strongest. Thus, many initiatives, be they at personal, social, cultural, citizens’ or international level, are developed, with the aim to break such determinism by lending a hand to the needy, so as to enable them get access to justice. In effect, facing the costly and intricate nature of the institutional justice system, multiple actors are getting themselves available for poor citizens. This is possible through internal alternative or similar mechanisms to institutional justice.These emerging or re-emerging forms of justice, in both the private and public spheres, seeking to fit to the rationality of the modern law or which belong to other rationalities and cultures, question on one hand the Rule of Law, governance and development, and on the other hand, universalism and the sense of identity. This requires finding through each of these forms of justice, the proof that it contributes to the defense of the universal human rights, a consequence of the Subjectivation.

Exceptionnel ou non, Vietnam est tout de même le choix heureux d’un cas utile pour les analyses sociologiques. Il suffit de choisir le champ pour cette analyse. Ici, ce champ découvert est ouvert aux lecteurs: le salariat en ce pays hermétiquement fermé durant des décades. Comment les travailleurs agricoles ont été recrutés et rémunérés pendant la période coloniale française? Quelle est la composition du salariat au Vietnam durant cette période de soixante ans d’existence? Quels sont les traits de la bureaucratie tracés sur les visages de ses salariés? Comment était la vie des travailleurs, ouvriers, employés, paysans, intellectuels en ce pays si riche en ressources naturelles et humaines et pourtant si pauvre? A travers tableaux et graphiques, interviews et descriptions, la monographie a bien voulu présenter le vrai visage du Vietnam espérant tracer une voie (si vague soit-elle) dénommée Espoir. / Whether is it an exception or not, Vietnam remains at any rate a lucky choice for a case study that fits any sociological analysis. The methodology is how to choose the domain for such analysis. That research field has been found out and is demonstrated here to the readers as: the salaried staff in this several decade long tight closed country. How the agricultural workers are employed and paid during the French colonial period? What is the composition of the salaried staff in Vietnam during sixty years long period? What is the profile of the ghost named as bureaucracy depicted in the real faces of these salaried people? How is the life of workers, white and blue collars, peasants and intellectuals in this so rich country in natural and human resources and so poor physically and spiritually? Using tables and graphics, interviews and descriptions, the essay would like to present the true face of Vietnam with the hope to work out for a (while remaining blurring vague) outline named as Hope.

Enbridge has proposed the Line 3 “Replacement” Project, a new pipeline project taking a new route strait through Anishinaabe treaty territory in what is known as northern Minnesota. In the middle of the regulation process, the future remains unclear of how the State of Minnesota will move forward with the permitting process, but Anishinaabe communities, a range of non-profit organizations, and local landowners remain firmly against the line. Rooted in varied frameworks of Native sovereignty, the land, and Indigenous feminism, Anishinaabe communities lead the resistance against a product of ongoing settler colonialism, racial capitalism, and environmental racism. This thesis contextualizes the multi-tactical repertoires of those defending the land in the existing work of Indigenous scholars who write on the necessity for land-based resistance towards the unsettling process of decolonization. Ultimately, the resistance against Line 3 is representative of a long-term battle for Native sovereignty and self-determination in defense of the land and future generations.