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This work utilizes a spatial theory approach to meditate on postwar Japanese society and cinema. It is not a history of Japanese postwar cinema, or a survey of notable directors and genres. Rather, the focus is specifically on film and its relation to the deeper tropes of Japanese society; in particular, on how the sense of nation is affirmed and/or challenged within a postwar period of remarkable change. Understanding such a structure greatly aids in analyzing the forms and meanings within the films. The question of National Cinema, then, is approached by exploring how the interaction of spatial-temporal elements affect both the social construction and filmic practices of the nation. / The first part of the dissertation features an extended analysis of Japanese society using a variety of historical, philosophical and theoretical sources, both Japanese and foreign. They provide a theoretical base and a social history that ground the critical readings of the selected films; all of which are well-known and widely available. Part two is a close textual analysis of five 1950s productions---from a range of films and genres---that are contrasted with three films from the late 1980s/early 1990s. The final chapter examines notions about National Cinema in light of the preceding film analysis.

Taiwan recently witnessed a sudden increase of opposition political activities among the Taiwanese. Given that the social, economic, political and cultural developments Taiwan experienced during the past four decades were expected to facilitate assimilation between the Mainlanders and the Taiwanese, the Taiwanese insurgence at this time was somewhat unexpected. To account for this development, this dissertation examines: (1) the causes and pattern of ethnic assimilation between the two groups; and (2) the connection of ethnic assimilation and the recent insurgence. The central thesis of this dissertation is that development of the opposition movement after 1986 was a result of a successful ethnic mobilization among the Taiwanese who rose to request for renegotiating the ethnic distribution of political power. The ethnic mobilization was facilitated by the change in the external environment of the movement, which included: (1) the increase of regime permissiveness, (2) the emerging opportunities of political competition, and (3) the emerging regional persistence of ethnic differences. Ironically, all three elements were caused by the pattern of ethnic assimilation. The main body consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 raises the question of the unexpected resurgence among the Taiwanese and proposes a framework of ethnic mobilization to its explanation. Chapter 2 provides a historical overview of the formation of the two ethnic groups, and patterns of intergroup relation during the past four decades. Chapter 3 examines two dimensions of cultural assimilation among the Taiwanese: language shift and identification with China. Using a survey data set collected by the Global Views Monthly in 1987, chapter 3 shows that the two major elements of ethnic differences were well preserved among the less-educated Taiwanese who reside outside the northern region of Taiwan. Chapter 4 investigates the alleged ethnic discrimination in the labor market by analyzing a data set coded from the Managers of the Creditable Enterprises in the R.O.C.. A pattern of ethnic assimilation similar to chapter 3 is found. Chapter 5 examines the various forms of participation in the opposition movement to test the ethnic mobilization argument. The development of the opposition after 1986 was found to begin in more assimilated areas and rapidly spread to the less assimilated areas through the tactic of ethnic mobilization. Chapter 6 draws a brief conclusion of what has been found.

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The debate over the quality of work has been on-going for a number of years. Recently, non-standard work has figured predominantly in that debate. Some researchers have argued that the rise of non-standard work is evidence of the declining quality of work since it offers few benefits, little job security and lower incomes. Other research has indicated that it is the effect of job characteristics themselves that determine quality of work, whether in standard or non-standard employment. Other researchers have noted that it is the profile of workers in these jobs that is a good indicator of whether the employment is "good" or "bad" since most individuals who are from groups on the periphery of the labour force tend to be in jobs of lesser quality. / This study addresses the quality of work in the Canadian context from 1989 to 1994, by exploring its connection to all three of these theories: the rise of non-standard work, the decline of "good" job characteristics and the changing profile of workers in non-standard work. What was found may be an interesting trend. Non-standard employment is becoming more mainstream and may even be influencing the characteristics of standard employment. The demographic profile of non-standard workers is also beginning to resemble that of standard workers. It could be concluded that the quality of work is indeed shifting. However, it was difficult to determine whether the shifts were indeed long-term or indicative only of difficult economic times in Canada. The issue of job quality is complex and better definitions of quality of work and longer timeframes should be considered in future research, to better understand what was/is happening in the Canadian labour market. If non-standard employment is truly "bad" work and it continues to increase, there will be fundamental implications for the quality of work in Canada.

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The politics of the Mezzogiorno represent an interesting point in the politics of modernization. Existing as essentially an enclave of 'backwardness' within a western industrialized country, the people of the Mezzogiorno continue to carry out political functions within a network of arrangements which are generally viewed as 'apolitical' in nature by many observers. Edward Banfield's assertion (in his book, The Moral Basis of a Backward Society) that the society is 'amoral familist' in nature is dealt with in this study, and an attempt is made to formulate a 'moral code' of the Mezzogiorno, portraying political morality as seen through the eyes of the people in that culture. The nature of this 'moral code' is based upon the experience of 'statelessness' in the Mezzogiorno, and the outcome is that the tenets of the moral code are debilitating to change in the sense of moving toward a western democratic form of government. The rules of political morality in the Mezzogiorno dictate that the individual view the government with distrust and attempt to fend for himself. In contrast to Banfield who claims that "political incapacity" is due to "amoral familism", I argue that it is due to the code of political morality at work in the Mezzogiorno. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The thesis looks at the question of political change in Taiwan. Specifically it examines the question of whether or not political liberalization has occurred simply as a result of economic development. The thesis also evaluates the extent of the political reform that has occurred. After examining a variety of information on the economic development and social changes, as well as the political history of the island, the thesis looks at specific political reforms. The conclusion is drawn that the process of political reform in Taiwan is not a carefully pre-determined plan on the part of the political elite. Rather, political reform is the response of the ruling Kuomintang to try and perpetuate their hold on power. Reforms occur only as they serve that particular goal. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Housing was considered a public good rather than a marketable commodity at the early stage in the development of most socialist countries. Governments in those countries assumed full responsibility for urban housing finance, construction, allocation, management, maintenance and rehabilitation. A policy of low official rents and high subsidies was adopted as the method to ensure that all urban residents would have access to the state built housing stock. Success in solving the housing problem was to be a showpiece for the socialist countries. However, after approximately forty years of development of the socialist housing economy, many urban residents in countries such as China and Hungary still face severe housing problems. The governments in these two countries have initiated a variety of new efforts in recent years in an attempt to improve the living conditions of their urban residents. In spite of this, many urban housing problems persist and some are even becoming worse. In view of this situation, both governments have introduced new housing policies which recognize certain aspects of housing as a commodity within the socialist economy. A major aim of these new policies is to encourage individual financial participation in residential construction. This approach, commonly referred to as the policy of housing commercialization, is considered by government to be a feasible approach to resolving the tenacious urban housing problem and an effective means to significantly improve living conditions for all urban residents. By undertaking a comparative study of China's and Hungary's urban housing policies, housing delivery systems and housing problems, this research endeavours to describe and assess the rationale and other associated factors behind this housing policy transformation in both China and Hungary. In addition, this research examines the lessons of Hungary's housing policy reform and concludes with a set of policy recommendations for China's future urban housing efforts. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

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