A crise das figuras de autoridade próprias da sociedade tradicional faz surgir outras figuras sociais de autoridade que vêm preencher o espaço deixado vago. Nesta pesquisa é proposto que o delegado de polícia é uma dessas novas figuras debruçando-se sobre sua intervenção nos casos de violência doméstica contra a mulher. É discutido sobre quais são essas novas atribuições apresentadas ao delegado e posto que tal fato é trazido e fundamentado pelo fenômeno sociológico da jurisdicionalização das demandas sociais. Também se analisa o movimento que tende a institucionalizar esses novos desafios nas funções do delegado e sobre o ponto de visão dele acerca da jurisdicionalização das demandas sociais. Por fim, faz algumas considerações sobre quais são as tendências a partir do que foi exposto. / The crisis of authority felt by traditional authority beholders, from traditional society, gives rise to other social figures of authority that come on stage to fulfill the space left vacant. This article suggests that the police chief officer is invited to perform a new role in society as one of these new figures bending his intervention in cases of domestic violence against women. It argues over what are these new powers assigned to the police chief officer, and advances a proposition that this occurs as a consequence of the increased judicialisation of social demands as a sociological phenomenon. It also examines the social trend which sets forth pressures for institutionalizing these new challenges as regular functions of the police chief officer and about the view of the police chief officer about the judicialisation of social demands. Finally, it draws some considerations about future tendencies about the sociological phenomenon exposed.

A crise das figuras de autoridade próprias da sociedade tradicional faz surgir outras figuras sociais de autoridade que vêm preencher o espaço deixado vago. Nesta pesquisa é proposto que o delegado de polícia é uma dessas novas figuras debruçando-se sobre sua intervenção nos casos de violência doméstica contra a mulher. É discutido sobre quais são essas novas atribuições apresentadas ao delegado e posto que tal fato é trazido e fundamentado pelo fenômeno sociológico da jurisdicionalização das demandas sociais. Também se analisa o movimento que tende a institucionalizar esses novos desafios nas funções do delegado e sobre o ponto de visão dele acerca da jurisdicionalização das demandas sociais. Por fim, faz algumas considerações sobre quais são as tendências a partir do que foi exposto. / The crisis of authority felt by traditional authority beholders, from traditional society, gives rise to other social figures of authority that come on stage to fulfill the space left vacant. This article suggests that the police chief officer is invited to perform a new role in society as one of these new figures bending his intervention in cases of domestic violence against women. It argues over what are these new powers assigned to the police chief officer, and advances a proposition that this occurs as a consequence of the increased judicialisation of social demands as a sociological phenomenon. It also examines the social trend which sets forth pressures for institutionalizing these new challenges as regular functions of the police chief officer and about the view of the police chief officer about the judicialisation of social demands. Finally, it draws some considerations about future tendencies about the sociological phenomenon exposed.

Syfte  Denna studie syftar till att undersöka hur media påverkar 15-åringars hälsa och välbefinnande. Genom att söka kunskap om de mediala påverkansprocesserna, syftar denna specifika fallstudie till att skapa en bättre förståelse genom följande tre forskningsfrågor:  Frågeställningar 1.     Vilken är den främsta källan där ungdomarna hämtar och erhåller hälsorelaterad information?  2.     Hur påverkar den tillgängliga informationen om hälsa på sociala medier ungdomarnas kroppsuppfattning? 3.     Vilka andra faktorer påverkar ungdomarna till att vara hälsosamma? Metod Studien utgår främst från den kvalitativa forskningsansatsen där semistrukturerade intervjuer har legat till grund för datainsamlingen. En kvantitativ enkät har använts för att samla data om respondenternas konsumtion av sociala medier. Respondenterna har valts utifrån ett bekvämlighetsurval och de medverkande är åtta tjejer och åtta killar som går i årskurs nio inom norra Stockholmsområdet. Analys av empiri har inledningsvis förberetts genom kodningsanalys för att senare belysas med hjälp av meningstolkning. Som teoretiskt ramverk för analys har författarna tagit utgångspunkt i socialkonstruktivistiska teorin, genusteorin, samt teorin om social jämförelse.     Resultat Ungdomarna hämtar hälsobaserad information från fyra olika källor: sociala medier/internet, skolan, hemmet samt i samband med fritidsaktiviteter. Den mediala påverkan är påtaglig och ungdomarna jämför sig med som de som är relevanta för dem, utifrån den individualistiska livsstilen. Tjejerna tenderar att jämföra sig mer än killarna på sociala medier. Killarna ägnar mindre tid än tjejerna på sociala medier. Studien har identifierat tre kategorier kring vad som motiverar ungdomarna till att vara hälsosamma: välmående, motivation och slutligen investeringsvärde. / Aim This study aims to investigate how media influences 15-year old’s health, and well-being. By seeking knowledge into the media influencing processes, this specific case study aims to create a better understanding through the following three research questions: Research questions 1.     What is the primary source of information for these young people to obtain and receive health-related information? 2.     How does the available information on health on social media affect these young people's body image? 3.     What other factors influence these young people to be healthy? Method The study is based on the qualitative research approach where semi-structured interviews have formed the basis for the data collection. A quantitative survey has been used to collect data on respondents’ social media consumption. The respondents have been selected based on a convenience sample, and the participants are ninth-grade students, eight girls, and eight boys, within the northern Stockholm area. Analysis of empirical data has initially been prepared by coding analysis to be elucidated later with the help of interpretation of meaning. The authors have utilized the social constructivism theory, the gender theory, and the social comparison theory as the theoretical framework for analysis. Result The adolescents retrieve health-based information from four different sources: social media/internet, school, home, and in connection with leisure activities. The media influence is palpable, and the youth’s compare themselves with those they find relevant, based on the individualistic lifestyle. Girls tend to compare themselves more than boys on social media. The boys spend less time than the girls on social media. Further, this study has identified three categories of what motivates these adolescents to be healthy: well-being, motivation, and finally, investment value.

En 1944, le Conseil national de la Résistance décide de reconstruire un Etat social dans la continuité du Front populaire, avant que le second conflit ne l’interrompe. Les syndicats ouvriers réunifiés dans la CGT (sauf la CFTC) décident de soutenir ce programme. Les syndicats de fonctionnaires de Seine-Maritime s’organisent pour participer à cette reconstruction qu’ils attendaient. Quels sont leurs revendications ? Sur quoi s’appuient-ils pour les mettre en avant ? Quels sont les valeurs qu’ils défendent ? Attendent-ils tout de l’Etat social ? Quelle est leur conception de cet Etat social ? Enfin, quels moyens utilisent-ils pour le défendre et le faire progresser ? Obtenant la reconnaissance de leur liberté syndicale qui comprend le droit de grève, ils acceptent un statut qui se révèle fort protecteur vis-à-vis de l’administration et de sa hiérarchie. Ils obtiennent aussi la gestion de la Sécurité sociale par leurs mutuelles qui les entraînent, en Seine-Maritime, à construire une mutualité départementale unifiée et puissante. Toutefois, la division du monde en deux blocs, un libéral et un communiste, traverse ces syndicats et aboutit à la scission de 1947. Cela n’empêche pas la participation aux grèves de 1953 qui leur permet de sauver leur retraite. S’ils soutiennent le général de Gaulle (1890-1970) dans sa politique de décolonisation et contre les généraux factieux, ils l’affrontent sur sa politique institutionnelle, économique et sociale. La grève de 1968 en est l’aboutissement, par-delà les remises en cause. Mais pour rétablir l’Etat social qu’ils souhaitent, il leur faut soutenir les campagnes électorales de 1974 et 1981 du candidat de la gauche, François Mitterrand (1916-1996), qui l’emporte en 1981, en dépit de leurs divergences et grâce à la volonté unitaire de leurs militants. / In 1944, the National Council of Resistance decides to rebuild a welfare state, in continuation of the Popular Front, that the second World War stops it. The trade unions reunified, in CGT (except CFTC) decide to sustain this program. The trade unions of civil servants from Seine-Maritime organize themselves to take part in this rebuild that they waited for it. What are their demands ? On What do they lean themselves to put them before ? What are their values for which they fight? Do they wait all from the state ? What is their idea of this welfare state ? At least, what means do they use to fight for it and bring it to progress ? Getting the recognition of their freedom union laws, which includes right striking, they agree civil servant status which turn out very protective against their adminstration and its hierarchy. They get too the management of Health Security by their mutual insurances which lead them, in Seine-Maritme, to build a powerful departemental mutual insurance. However, the division of world in two blocks, one liberal and one communist, goes through these trade unions and leads to the break away of 1947 That does not prevent the participation to strikes of 1953 wich they are be able to save their retirement. If they sustain general De Gaulle in his decolonization policy and ag ainst seditious generals, they clash him on his institutional, économic and social policy. The strike of 1968 is the culmination of it, throuhgout adjournements. But in order to restore the welfare state that they hope, they must sustain lefts’ candidate, François Mitterrand, in their electoral compaigns of 1974 and 1981, who wins in this last year, in spite of their differences and thanks to the Will of unity of their activists.