Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:24:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1614.pdf: 7958529 bytes, checksum: c93997cee9d07507213b2aa3a1613dca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-06 / This study has as main goal analyze the publication A questão Social by the Socialist Center of Santos in the end of the 19th century. I search to understand how the socialists ideas emerged in Europe were established in the country and their reflexes over the left-wing press in this study, the periodical of the Socialist Center of Santos. The present work tries to show why not to consider the revolutionary acts as the most adequate, searching for a reformist way of action. The fact of Marxism has seduced intellectuals from middle classes, from which the leaders of the Center of Santos came from; pointing out that Silvério Fontes was a strong mischaracterizing element in this organization before the labor man. The biggest part of the work parties and organizations defining themselves as socialists in Brazil during the last decade of the 19th century fought for reformist measures in favor of workmen such as reduction of working hours and prohibition of child labor. Thus it can be stated that the Brazilian Socialism was coherent with the dominant chain of the International Second which prayed for a socialist society from a perspective which would be the result of a historical evolution without any kind of violent means to achieve this occurrence, concentrating its main efforts on short and middle term political actions, that is, in achieving electing victories and in the program that should lead its actions if they ever got the power through party arena. And their publications are an important historical source to understand this reception of ideas. / Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar publicação A Questão Social do Centro Socialista de Santos no final do século XIX. Busco entender como as idéias socialistas oriundas da Europa se fixaram no país e seus reflexos na chamada imprensa de esquerda - no nosso caso, o periódico do Centro Socialista de Santos. Procurando mostrar porque não considerar a via revolucionária como a mais viável, optando por uma via reformista de atuação. O fato do marxismo ter seduzido intelectuais das camadas médias, da qual eram oriundos os líderes do Centro de Santos, destacando a figura de Silvério Fontes, foi um elemento forte de descaracterização desta organização diante dos operários. A maioria dos partidos operários e organizações dizendo-se socialistas no Brasil na última década do século XIX lutava por medidas reformistas de defesa dos trabalhadores, como por exemplo, diminuição da jornada de trabalho, proibição do trabalho infantil. Neste sentido, o socialismo brasileiro era plenamente coerente com a corrente dominante na Segunda Internacional, que pregava a sociedade socialista a partir de uma perspectiva, que seria o resultado de uma evolução histórica sem qualquer tipo de meio violento para sua ocorrência, concentrando seus principais esforços na ação política de curto e médio prazo, isto é, na obtenção de vitórias eleitorais e no programa que deveriam nortear sua atuação na eventualidade de alcançar o poder através da arena partidária. E suas publicações são uma fonte histórica importante para entender esta recepção de idéias.

This thesis explores how three socialist newspapers tie in to the Swedish media system and – presumably – is influenced by it. The newspapers have each strong connection to three political parties, so the precise aim of thesis is therefore to examine the independence between the party and its media; and how strongly it can bee defined as Swedish party press in a more traditional sense. The analysed material consists of six qualitative interviews with two co – workers from each paper: including the editors in chief.The basis is partly Kai Kronvalls et al theories surrounding Swedish party press; because the thesis explores how the papers supposedly has changed. And partly theories based on the assumption that media is always reflected by the social and political structure to which it operates. The latter theories have in turned outlined ’press theories’ (Four Theories of the Press) for which it is said that the media is a base of and, more recently, models of how the media works in western countries as a whole (Daniel C. Hallin and Paolo Mancini).The thesis showed some difference between how each newspaper can be defined as party press, but in general the independence was weak. This can be explained with how the Swedish media culture in particular has conserved press affiliated with separate (political) groups.

Les travaux sur la doctrine de Philippe Buchez et ses disciples ont principalement mis l’accent sur l’étude de l’association ouvrière de production, comprise comme un moyen d’organisation du travail et de redistribution de la propriété. L’enjeu de cette recherche est de prolonger ces analyses, en démontrant que le modèle associationniste des buchéziens, développé dans la première moitié du XIXème siècle français, dépasse le strict cadre de la sphère de production. Au départ de ce travail réside ainsi l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’association ouvrière de production est constitutive d’un projet républicain au service d’une amélioration des conditions sociales du plus grand nombre. La singularité de ce modèle repose sur une répartition de la souveraineté économique et politique au sein d’une société civile structurée autour du système associatif. Ainsi, l’association ouvrière de production tient, à double titre, un rôle central dans la conception républicaine des buchéziens. En premier lieu, elle constitue le vecteur d’une construction de la République au niveau national : le système associatif ne se réduit pas à la résolution de la question sociale, il constitue également un espace de socialisation républicaine des travailleurs. L’association représente un lieu d’apprentissage des valeurs et des pratiques de la République. Cette dynamique est en second lieu au service de la formation d’un modèle républicain au sein duquel la société civile joue un rôle central : dans le système buchézien, l’État revêt certes une forme républicaine, mais le caractère républicain de la nation doit être également porté par la sphère économique, organisée autour de l’association ouvrière de production. Ainsi la République selon la doctrine buchézienne repose sur la construction d’une société civile structurée par des « petites républiques d’atelier », réalisant une citoyenneté à la fois dans la sphère politique et dans la sphère économique. / Studies about Philippe Buchez and his followers’ doctrine mainly emphasized the research on workers productive association, understood as a way to organize industrial work and to redistribute property. The objective of this thesis is to extend the analysis, by demonstrating that the associationnist system theorized by Philippe Buchez and his followers in France during the first part of 19th century, goes beyond the will to organize the industrial field and to put an end to working class poverty. Our starting point for this research is the hypothesis that workers productive associations are part of a republican system, which is dedicated to the improvements of working class social conditions. The originality of this idea is that economical and political sovereignty is spread among civil society, which is structured by the associative system.Thus, workers productive associations play a major role in Buchezian conception of the Republic. Firstly, they represent a means for the construction of the Republic at the national level: productive associations are considered as spaces of republican socialisation for the working classes. They are a place for learning the practices and values of the Republic. Secondly, the associationnist system is in the service of the republican conception in which civil society plays an important role: according to the Buchezian model, both the State and the economical field, structured by productive association, have to carry republican values and apply democratic practices. Hence, according to the Buchezian doctrine, the Republic is based on civil society organized through “small workshop republics”, allowing the realization of citizenship in both political and economical fields.