Few legal developments in South Africa and elsewhere in the world in recent times have excited such controversy as the legal recognition of social and economic rights. South Africa has created a special place for itself in world affairs for being one of the countries that recognise socio-economic rights in a justiciable Bill of Rights. Partly this is in response to the appalling levels of poverty prevalent in the country which could potentially destabilise the new democracy. Improvement of the quality of life of every citizen is a crucial step in consolidating the constitutional democracy. The question that will face any court in giving effect to socio-economic rights is: how are these rights to be judicially enforced in a given context? The crux of this thesis lies in the resolution of this question. Firstly this thesis traces the philosophical foundations to the legal recognition of socio-economic rights. It is stated that the recognition of these rights in a justiciable bill of rights requires a conceptually sound understanding of the nature of obligations that these rights place on the state. It is emphasised that it is imperative that access to justice be facilitated to poor and vulnerable members of society for the realisation of the constitutional goal of addressing inequality. Particular concern and priority should in this context be given to women, children and the disabled. The study explores various judicial remedies and makes suggestions on new and innovative constitutional mechanisms for judicial enforcement of these rights. It is concluded that there is an important role to be played by civil society in giving meaningful effect to socio-economic rights.

This thesis is an attempt at understanding South African photography through the lens of Nontsikelelo “Lolo” Veleko, Tracy Rose, David Goldblatt, Jo Ractliffe and Santu Mofokeng. Through the works discussed this thesis intends to unpack photography as a complex medium similar to that of language and text, as well as attempt to understand how exploring South African experiences and spaces through the lens of photography shapes and mediates them. Furthermore it also attempts to understand how these experiences and spaces conversely affect the discourse of photography or at the very least our perception of it. Through these photographers and their works it is hoped that ultimately the interconnected relationship of exchanging codes that takes place between photography and society will be highlighted. The example of connectivity or dialogue I believe exists between the medium of photography and the physical/social and psychological spaces it photographs will be mediated through Deleuze and Guattari‟s conception of “the wasp and the orchid” where “the wasp becomes the orchid, just as the orchid becomes the wasp...an exchanging or capturing of each other‟s codes”. Other theorists I will be looking at include Vilém Flusser, focusing in particular on his book Towards a Philosophy of Photography, as well as Susan Sontag, Roland Barthes and others. The main aims and objectives of this thesis are to understand the veracity of the documentary image and whether or not the image harbours any objective truth, as well as whether truth, if it can truly be said to exist in the world, resides between the camera and the seen world. This dichotomy is further complicated by the matter of subject-hood and technical and philosophical understandings of the camera as an apparatus. At no point do I aim to be conclusive, rather it is hoped that by developing the dynamic tension between the theory and the image world that I will be able to bring fresh insight into the reading of a changing South African condition and the subject position of the photographer in relation to this condition.

After South Africa entered into democracy in 1994, a mediation period of change was set in motion. It was an invitation for South Africans to imagine and envision themselves anew (Gqola 2010). Slave memory; a neglected past, that was previously silenced came to the fore and is currently in the process of being renegotiated in post-apartheid South Africa. In the light of this, I believe that the study of the Cape Minstrel Carnival which has its social roots in slavery lends itself for an insightful interpretation within an art historical framework. While institutionally the memory of slavery was officially marginalized: comparatively, on the streets of Cape Town, the community preserved it in elusive ways embodied in the procession of Carnival through the city. This thesis explores the imagery of creolisation, through an analysis of the Cape Minstrel Carnival. Zimitri Erasmus (Erasmus 200:14) defines creolisation as cultural production that happens under the specific conditions of slavery. Before I decode some of the motifs embedded in the imagery of creolisation, in chapter one I provide an in depth analysis; of the contextual conditions of which the practice of carnival originated. My analysis is informed extensively by post-colonial theories on race, identity, and creolisation. The route of the procession of carnival reveals an alternative and clandestine history of the city of Cape Town which I believe deserves focus. In chapter two I discuss its site specificity in relation to key urban sites, such as the District Six Museum, the Slave Lodge Museum and the Bo-Kaap Museum. This thesis explores the use of performance as a corporeal tool to demarcate the city. In the process of this analysis, a repertoire of movement becomes salient in the construction of creolised identities. In chapter three I discuss the motif of the “coon” as the most salient image of creolisation in the parade; I trace its iconographic roots to the performance of blackface minstrelsy that originated from the slave plantations of the United States of America. By unpacking the racist iconography bound up in the initial construction of the “coon”, it becomes clear that its derogative meaning was subverted when it was appropriated as a symbol of celebration into the New Year’s parades. As a result of its complicated history, some residents deride the parade as perpetuating racial stereotypes, by portraying “coloured” people as buffoons. Class snobbery has played a big part in the criticism. Therefore the procession of “the coons” or euphemistically the minstrels represents a cultural cringe for some and a festive celebration for others and both these sentiments coexist simultaneously. The Cape Town Minstrel Carnival can be interpreted on multiple shifting levels because it takes on an ambivalent and ambiguous position as far as meaning is concerned.

South Africa has been experiencing service delivery protests especially in the African communities. These protests are a manifestation of conflict and dissatisfaction of communities in the ruling party in government. In order to reduce conflict, it is critical that the ruling party in government addresses the basic needs of these communities as the people start to lose confidence in the government. The study seeks to investigate whether service delivery protests could be prevented through improved provision of basic services in the communities, focusing in the New Brighton Township community, in Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality as the area of study. The provision of basic services is important for the livelihood of any community. The study analyses the extent to which poor service delivery can lead to community conflicts or revolt against the ruling party in government. Some areas of New Brighton Township community are experiencing a backlog of basic service delivery. Members of this targeted community fall within the previously disadvantaged category and expected the ruling party in government to meet their basic service needs. Chapter one provides an introduction which gives a brief overview of the study, problem statement, aims, research objectives and questions, preliminary literature review and research methodology to be employed by the study. Chapter two provide a literature review of community conflicts in relation to basic service delivery needs and peoples’ expectations. Chapter three provide the legislative framework for the developmental local government and the role of section/chapter nine (9) institutions especially the Public Protector’s role in relation to conflict. Chapter three will also provide reasons for the establishment of Local Municipalities. Chapter four provides proposals for the approaches and strategies to eliminate conflicts and policy implications. The chapter also provide an analysis of the participants’ responsesfrom the questionnaires. Chapter five will be a summary with concluding remarks and recommendations, as proposals with mitigating measures arising from the research.

The Republic of South Africa emerged as 'a product of a historical moment' and also as a reaction against imperialism, colonialism, racial discrimination and domination over the majority of black South Africans by the white minority. The democratic dispensation came into being also for the first time in its life in memorial for a long turbulent history followed by the general democratic elections held on 27th April 1994. The 1994 first general election liberated South Africa from the apartheid system and its subsequent primary objective was “… to transform South Africa into a non-racial and democratic society”. The new democratic government now looks politically different from the racist regime because the current government since 1994 has been, and to date still is, a truly and broadly representative of the South African citizens and also a transparent one, whereas the defunct apartheid government was characterized primarily by, among other things, the violation of human rights, denying black South Africans of any rights of basic services, no rights of owning property or land, no freedom of association and speeches and firmly practised discrimination which was detrimental to the majority of the black population groups in this country. According to the then President Nelson Mandela whilst addressing the ANC masses that were commemorating the eighty-third (83rd) anniversary of the African National Congress on the 8th January 1995, democracy entails “… a thorough-going process of transformation, of overcoming the political, social and economic legacy of apartheid colonialism, of racism, sexism and class oppression.” The government is still grappling with the challenge of ensuringa better life for all the citizens of this country (http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?doc=ancdocs/history/jan8-95html:1).

Family and school contexts have always been pivotal for shaping children’s behavioural conduct. They are associated with a laboratory where children are expected to learn about freedom, safety, socialisation and good behaviour. A family context lacking the provision of safety, security, love and happiness is tantamount to encouraging negative behaviour to children. The researcher utilized a qualitative research approach and gathered data by conducting face to face interviews with participants likely to inform the study. The researcher also utilized the purposive sampling technique to assemble a sample. Eight steps for qualitative data analysis as proposed by Tesch in Creswell (2009:186) were utilized for data analysis. Criteria for developing the trustworthiness of a qualitative inquiry as outlined by Lincoln and Guba (in Polit & Beck, 2008:539) were also used. The findings reveal that teacher-learner relationships in schools seem to play an important role in the development of behavioural conduct among learners. Learners who have close relationship with teachers appear to demonstrate social and academic competence at school in comparison with learners with distant relationship with teachers. Furthermore, strong family relationships were found to protect children from poor behavioural outcomes, whereas conflictual parentchild relationships and sibling rivalry interfered with children’s social relationships. / Social Work / M.A. (Social Work)

PhD (African Studies) / Centre for African Studies / The aim of this study is to examine existing secondary material to determine whether there is agreement concerning the acclaimed migration of the Africans across the Limpopo River into South Africa. This is done by determining, in an interwoven analytical manner, whether there is possible existing credible evidence that could be applied to examine the claim espoused by Sir George Mc Call Theal. The cause of the disparity amongst the whites and blacks in the country seems to have an historical origin that dates back to the epochs of colonialism and imperialism, which spanned centuries. These movements resulted in the apparently unfair foreign land ownership, which was carried out at the expense of the African blacks, such as the Bakone, Vhangoṋa and Banguni, to date. For one to determine the validity of foreign land acquisition in a foreign country like South Africa; research is required in order to find the genesis, credibility and justification of the total soil ownership by foreigners; which as stated, was conducted at the expense of the majority of Africans who possess no land, living in abject poverty, suffering from unemployment and treated with inequality. The brutal colonial efforts and the untested African migration remains an elusive problem that should be tested scientifically to confirm or negate, when precisely the Africans came; who saw them come, and what made them leave their original countries, if any. This in a perpetual cardinal point of the ‘north’ being occupied moving in ‘waves’ with no witnesses. This study seeks to examine why the naturalised foreign Europeans are better off in the country, in everything.

MAIR / Department of Development Studies / See the attached abstract below

The globally relevant, billion-dollar fashion industry has been regarded as one of the industries responsible for the greatest amount of pollution. The fast fashion industry thrives on production, often overproducing clothing at a rapid pace, according to quick trends that have fleeting lifespans. It can be said that this industry feeds the ‘throw-away culture’ seen at present, whereby consumption has increased tremendously, resulting in large amounts of clothing waste which has fulfilled its superficial purpose. Consumers purchase new trends, use it for a short period of time and thereafter dispose of the clothing items to make room for the next trend. Such a practice has negative implications for the environment, through the irresponsible manner in which waste by-products are disposed of during production of the clothing and through the mass disposal of clothing, which often ends up in landfills. There are also societal implications, whereby the fast fashion industry has been responsible for many unethical business practices that allow for poor working conditions and unfair treatment of the makers of the clothing. As a response to some of these concerns, slow fashion was born. Slow fashion intends to slow down the process of clothing production entirely and revisits the emphasis on quality over quantity, as it encourages the production and conscious consumption of clothing with longevity. As a result of the process of clothing production being slowed down, it has been suggested that the consumer would then be able to appreciate the production process in itself, as well as the clothing produced, resulting in a decreased desire to consume more, but rather to extend the lifespan of the clothing purchased. Slow fashion is synonymous with the slowing down of trends and the mindful consumption of clothing. Similarly, the voluntary simplicity movement (VSM), adopts the constructs of a life simplified, through the freeing of oneself from mental and emotional clutter, as well as material possessions. This lifestyle promotes simplicity of living and the appreciation of lived experiences instead of things, as a means to gain internal and external fulfilment. The VSM has therefore been used as the conceptual framework of this study, as both movements promote reduced consumption practices. This study was qualitative in nature and took the form of an exploratory research design, as it intended to gain information and understanding on a topic within an environment where there is limited information. Millennial slow fashion consumers made up the sampling group because millennial consumers are recognised as the most influential consumer group, with the greatest buying power, and are also most likely to adopt or support environmentally and ethically sound brands and businesses. Interviews were conducted with the participants to gain knowledge on the perceptions, attitudes and awareness of these consumers in relation to slow fashion consumption in the country. Attitude has been recognised as a motivator of behaviour and was investigated to analyse consumption behaviour, in the context of this study. The findings revealed that most participants recognised the fast fashion industry purely as a money-making scheme, which often employed reckless production practices and resulted in the consumption of clothing at a dangerous pace. They were aware of the damaging effects of the by-products of these production processes on the environment, as well as the negative social impacts as a result of unethical practices that have occurred. The participants recognised slow fashion as somewhat of an antithesis to fast fashion, whereby the focus is on quality clothing made to last a lifetime, which encompasses mindful consumption. The participants revealed that they were influenced by the aesthetic appeal of clothing as well as the convenience and ease of access in acquiring the clothing. Price sensitivity was also raised as a motivator for consumption; however, the resounding motivator was that of consumption out of necessity for the item, which is a valuable perspective for both slow fashion consumers and VSM adopters. Price sensitivity is a factor that cannot be ignored, considering South Africa is a country with an unequal dispersion of wealth and a high unemployment rate. As a result, it has been determined that slow fashion is only accessible to a certain niche market, in terms of the affordability of the items. The excessive imports of fast fashion clothing, which are often cheap and easily accessible, are said to be choking the local clothing and slow fashion industries alike. However, the most common response in terms of the hindrance of slow fashion in the country was notably a lack of information, education and awareness about slow fashion, its constructs and its availability in the country. The participants recognised slow fashion as relevant in the country, and that VI | P a g e South African consumers have the influence to make a change to the local clothing industry, if they supported local producers of slow fashion, ethical and sustainable clothing, instead of overconsuming cheap, trend-inspired, imported fast fashion clothing. As a result, the slow fashion designer was revealed as having a significant role to play, in ascertaining that such clothing is locally produced with sustainable, slow trend underpinnings. Further recommendations were expressed in the need for slow fashion designers to market their products and ethos well, and to educate and inform those around them, including their customers, about the philosophies behind and need for slow fashion. The upskilling of individuals from lower or no income households was also seen as a valuable tool to not only allow those individuals to lengthen the lifespan of their clothing by repairing it, but also to equip them with a skill that might lead to some form of employment, with the hope that the end result will be a rejuvenated local clothing and textile industry and a lowered unemployment rate. Conclusively, consumption levels could prospectively see a decrease, should the interest in slow fashion clothing increase among consumers. / Life and Consumer Sciences / M.A. (Consumer Science)

This Dissertation, written at the Department of Political Studies in the School of Social Sciences, is submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D), to the Faculty of Humanities at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, September 2017 / The purpose of this study is to examine the causes of ideological moderation in the South African party system in the post-1994 period. Previous research stresses the non-left-right feature of politics and when it recognises the centrist feature of major parties and moderation of the party system, the causes of the latter are unexplained. The deficiency in previous research is that moderation and limited left-right disagreements as fundamental causes of broader political dynamics are overlooked — moderate systems foster political consensus and democratic stability. In this study I critically examine three theoretical causal variables that account for moderation: the electoral system, the electorate, and the dominant party. This study relies on a measurement of party system fragmentation, and voter and party system polarisation, as well as an intensive qualitative assessment of the ANC. The evidence is based on a number of nationally representative surveys that measure public opinion; interviews with political party leaders and representatives, and officials from labour and business; and document analysis. The finding is that the ANC as the dominant party is the main driver of moderation in the party system. Coupled with electoral dominance, the centripetal, non-dogmatic, pragmatic and flexible tendencies that characterise the ANC permit the party to induce and stabilise party system moderation. This study: develops a causal framework for understanding moderation; builds on previous research about the centrism of major parties and the moderation of the party system (both quantitatively and qualitatively); departs from the argument about the fragmented and rightist nature of the opposition bloc and the race-based approach to the electorate; and extends the debate about the ANC by arguing that left-right movement occurs within centrist terrain, and that the party is not an amorphous or client entity but a clearly defined one. I also add to: the growing body of knowledge that finds no necessary connection between proportionalism, extremist party positioning and polarisation; the idea that party system polarisation is less reflective of voter polarisation; and concur with previous research that argues that the role of a pivotal centre party is critical for the party system. / XL2018