Blaming those who are different from us because of skin colour, nationality and language when things do not go right during the process of reconstruction is common among those who are faced with such a task. This assertion is confirmed by our examination and evaluation of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel. In South Africa socio-economic and political reasons are cited for the rejection of African immigrants by some South Africans. The Jews in the post exilic period understood their religious, social and economic problems to be caused by others. What is more disturbing is that the Jews understood their xenophobia to be demanded or legitimised by God. These reasons for them necessitated hatred, isolation, stigmatisation and sometimes negative actions against foreigners. When we compare xenophobia in both post-apartheid South Africa and post-exilic Israel in this study, we find that factors such as identity, notion of superiority, negative perception of those who are different and use of power, play a major role in the exacerbation of xenophobia. In evaluating both situations, using the African principle of Ubuntu and Christian moral values, we are able to demonstrate that xenophobia as found in both situations is morally wrong since it is inhuman, selfish, racist/ethnocentric, discriminatory and often violent. Ubuntu and Christian values and principles such as human dignity, human rights, reciprocity, love, compassion, forgiveness, hospitality and community were sacrificed by South Africans and Jews in their dealings with foreigners in their respective situations. It is argued here that among other things in the case of South Africa, the reduction of inflammatory statements by government representatives and the media, education of the unemployed, the youth and workers; and the meeting of spiritual, material, humanitarian and moral needs by the Church, will help sensitise South Africans to the plight of African immigrants and migrants and will further deepen the ubuntu and Christian values. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Th.(Theological Ethics)

The dissertation deals with the roots of civic apathy in local government, and the main emphasis is to establish the root cause/s of civic apathy. The hypothesis: 'civic apathy is a phenomenon intensified by ignorance and a feeling of powerlessness and frustration on the electorate' is tested in this study. To examine further specific aspects of civic apathy, including establishing the cause/s and effects of apathy, the author conducted a quantitative research in the Northern Metropolitan Area m Johannesburg, using questionnaires and literature study as the research method. The hypothesis advanced in the dissertation has been validated insofar as it has been argued and demonstrated that indeed people can feel powerless and frustrated if they are deliberately being excluded from, or denied the opportunity to participate actively in their local government activities. The main finding is that civic apathy is intensified by ignorance. However, the most important finding is that there ts a causal relationship between powerlessness, frustration and apathy. / Public Administration and Management / M. Admin. (Public Administration)

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Black South Africans have been exposed to an unequal and divided education system. It has been expected that the basis for an equitable education system would be laid in the post apartheid period. In this thesis I have provided an analysis of education policy development in South Africa between May 1994 and mid-1997. My main aim has been to understand the policy vision that the post apartheid state has enacted as the basis for educational reconstruction. The conceptual framework of this thesis is located in the academic fields of Education and Development and Policy Sociology. I have focused on the interaction between the broad delimitations set by the structural, economic and political dimensions in society on the one hand, and the political and policy dynamics that have given education policy its specific meaning on the other hand. The role of the government in enacting a specific policy vision has been at the centre of my analysis. The government has effected a conservative vision with the adoption of the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) macroeconomic strategy. GEAR has targeted the development of an export-based global economy along post fordist lines. Predicated upon an emphasis on fiscal discipline, the dominant policy orientation has supported equity but without an emphasis on redress. This approach has not provided the necessary basis for education reconstruction. The National Qualifications Framework (NQF)and Outcomes-based education (OBE) embody a definite vision in terms of which education policy would be aligned with economic development. This vision is based on the false assumption that education should playa fundamental role in producing the sophisticated labour demands of a globally competitive economy. The logic of both GEAR and the NQF is internally inconsistent and the relationship between these two policy frameworks is unsustainable. By mid-1997 a definitive narrow and conservative education policy vision had been established which would impede the development of an equitable education system. Education policy 'narrowing' has not been achieved easily, nor has its outcome been inevitable. The specificity of the political context and policy processes has shaped the policy outcomes. A moderate constitutional dispensation has impeded the possibility of developing a radical policy vision. The semi-federal powers awarded to the provinces have led to inconqruence between national and provincial policy. Court challenges aimed at protecting historically acquired educational privileges, have been brought by conservative groups against national education legislation. The apartheid-era bureaucrats, whose jobs were protected by the negotiated constitution, have impeded the development of progressive policy. They brought the conservative policy reformism of the apartheid state into the new policy processes. The NQF has been developed on the basis of a policy consensus between labour and capital in support of skills training and upgrading of workers. Participation in policy processes has been determined 0[1 the basis of identified stakeholders This has given rise to a technicist policy approach that bas excluded many interest groups, academics and professional experts. Most teachers felt alienated by the curriculum policy process. Policy has been developed in a reconstituted civil society. The progressive education movement has been demobilised, and its place has been taken by a constellation of conservative forces who have used the moderate political climate to advance conservative policy interests. The government has had to make policy within a constrained political and policy environment. With regard to the main conceptual underpinning of this thesis, i.e. the relationship between equality and (economic) development, it is clear that the government has favoured the development dimension in pursuit of an education framework that would aid the generation of a globally competitive economy. Social equality has thus been sideline. I have advanced the view that where the government has reneged on the delivery of the social welfare and educational demands of an expectant polity, education policy has manifested as, means of compensatory legitimation at the symbolic level to 'signal', rather than give effect to real change. In my analysis of school access and school curriculum policy, I have suggested that policy has been limited to 'signalling' a commitment to a reconstructed and equitable education system. This has masked the conservative framework that has come to underpin education policy by mid-1997.

The dissertation analyses job-related education, training and development in Soweto since 1940. The effect which the interference of the National Party government had on jobrelated education for black South Africans in Soweto is examined, as it is of importance to know that qualifiers were only permitted to operate as trades people in the bantustans and not in the "white" cities. It is discussed that prior to the assassination of prime minister Dr H F Verwoerd in 1966, the NP government had little interest in promoting urban black upliftment. Also mentioned is the economic situation at that time, which forced the N P government to introduce the Manpower Training Act, permitting Africans to qualify in trades which were until 1981 reserved for whites only. At the eentre of the discussion are the few Sowetan colleges which deal with job-related education. training and development in the African township. Despite the demand for skills training of black South Africans, training deteriorated and the dissertation investigates the reasons surrounding the loss of interest in the communities and why interest groups were no longer concerned about this type of training. The dissertation concludes with a possible future perspective which needs to be implemented to enable job-related education, training and development in Soweto to expand. The need to train Sowetans in their own colleges as opposed to colleges outside Soweto is examined. / History / M.A. (History)

The dissertation analyses job-related education, training and development in Soweto since 1940. The effect which the interference of the National Party government had on jobrelated education for black South Africans in Soweto is examined, as it is of importance to know that qualifiers were only permitted to operate as trades people in the bantustans and not in the "white" cities. It is discussed that prior to the assassination of prime minister Dr H F Verwoerd in 1966, the NP government had little interest in promoting urban black upliftment. Also mentioned is the economic situation at that time, which forced the N P government to introduce the Manpower Training Act, permitting Africans to qualify in trades which were until 1981 reserved for whites only. At the eentre of the discussion are the few Sowetan colleges which deal with job-related education. training and development in the African township. Despite the demand for skills training of black South Africans, training deteriorated and the dissertation investigates the reasons surrounding the loss of interest in the communities and why interest groups were no longer concerned about this type of training. The dissertation concludes with a possible future perspective which needs to be implemented to enable job-related education, training and development in Soweto to expand. The need to train Sowetans in their own colleges as opposed to colleges outside Soweto is examined. / History / M.A. (History)