Regular strike action has become a central characteristic of the South African industrial relations system. Whilst in the 1950s strikes were mostly isolated outbursts of relatively short duration, strikes in the 1980s were challenges of unprecedented duration and intensity. It is argued that despite this dramatic change, reflecting a series of discontinuities in both the political and economic arenas, strike action in South Africa does follow distinct patterns, and can be ascribed to a combination of identifiable causes. Principal causal factors include wage aspirations, past experiences and the subjective interpretation thereof, and the role of the union movement. Contingent factors include the prevailing political climate, industrial relations legislation, the amount of information opposing sides possess of their adversaries' intentions as well as spatial issues, such as the internal dynamics of individual communities. Partially as a result of South Africa's political transformation, the late 1980s and early 1990s saw further changes in the industrial relations environment. Reflecting these developments, it is argued that a new type of trade unionism has developed, "coterminous unionism" . This will have far-reaching implications for the nature of industrial conflict. However, it falls fully within the theoretical parameters outlined in this thesis. Despite significant developments in social theory in the 1980s and 1990s, there have been few attempts accordingly to update theories of strike action. One of the objectives of this thesis has been to attempt such an update. It is hoped that the constructs developed will shed light on a widely prevalent form of social conflict, assist in the analysis of future outbreaks, and enable the identification of those situations where a high propensity to engage in strike action may exist.

This treatise discusses the increasing of the procedural and substantive limitations on the employees’ right to strike. The Constitution permits the right to strike to be limited in terms of the laws of general application. The Labour Relations Act (LRA) is a good example. Such limitation must be reasonable and justifiable in an open and democratic society, based on human dignity, equality and freedom. The study sought to investigate whether further increasing the existing limitations on the right to strike unduly breaches employees’ Constitutional right to strike and the purpose of the LRA. Further, the study sought to find out whether the additional content requirements in the strike notice amount to importing into the LRA additional limitations on the fundamental right to strike that enjoys no textual support. Through an extensive literature review, the findings arguably show that indeed further increasing the limitations on the employees’ right to strike may unduly infringe their right to strike. Moreover, the increase of the content requirements in a strike notice creates an unnecessary hurdle to employees wishing to strike. One of the most important finding made is that instead further increasing the limitations on the right to strike, going back to the basics of negotiation to alleviate strikes, particularly wage-related strikes is vital. To achieve this, it is important for employers to re-establish social and individual relationships with their employees, whereby they become aware of the issues that employees face on a daily basis. Also, establishing proper workplace dialogue and forums would assist employers in becoming aware of employees concerns. This would thereby prevent strikes, as problems can be dealt with beforehand. The findings above informed in the recommendations at the end of the study.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / Some digitised pages may appear cut off due to the condition of the original hard copy. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment explores the issues surrounding conflict resolution in the South African Public Service and the expression of organised conflict with reference to the 1999 Public service wage dispute and strikes. The public service being part of the generic framework of the public sector is, in terms of employment, South Africa's single, largest employer. National Departments and Provinces reflect almost 70% of the Public Sector. Employment in the public sector used to be considered relatively stable and secure. Public sector employees were thus not seen as requiring protection from retrenchment. Employees had no bargaining rights and functioned outside the ambit of the Labour Relations Act (No 24 of 1956). In 1994, the Government of National Unity realized the importance of the South African public service, the major role it had to play in the reconciliation, reconstruction and development process in South Africa and thus the need for administrative transformation. The Public Service Labour Relations Act 1994 was replaced by the new Labour Relations Act (No 66 of 1995) in 1995. This Act now covers both the private and the public sector workers. The new legislation was an important step towards the creation of a machinery for collective bargaining. The Act made provision for the establishment of a Public Service Coordinating Bargaining Council and provided a model for collective bargaining, based on effective negotiating structures. According to the International Labour Organization, mediation and conciliation procedures are still the most frequent methods for settling economic disputes in the public service. In South Africa, the new Labour Relations Act introduced the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration. Since 1994, several problems have beset most public service workers because of the transformation process and workers started showing increasing interest in unionisation, mostly for the protection and the fulfillment of their needs. Wages were the single most important factor causing labour action and in 1999, a total of 3,1 million man-days were lost due to labour action. According to Ms Geraldine Fraser- Moleketi, minister of the Public Service and Administration, government and the unions should share the process to design a more suitable and manageable system of remuneration policy to prevent disputes such as the 1999 wage dispute in the future. The negotiations on the 1999 wage dispute took place over a record of 140 days. Public service unions rejected government's wage offers several times until the minister unilaterally implemented government's final offer of an average of 6,3% increase. This sent a tremor through the alliance and prompted joint action by Cosatu and Fedusa affiliated unions. Unions were caught completely unaware and dropped their demands from a 10% increase to 7,3%. Public servants took industrial action again, but the government still did not make a new offer. Minister Trevor Manuel warned that the government could not afford further increases. By September, union leaders still had faith that president Thabo Mbeki would indicate that talks would be resumed, but doors for future negotiations did not open. Ms Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi maintained that the government had gone out of its way to ensure a settlement. At the time of writing, the dispute is still continuing. Note: As most of the information regarding the Public Service Wage strike was obtained from the press, all articles referred to are included as an appendix. To facilitate the reference to these articles, a specific form of reference, namely 'PC n', was used in the relevant sections, the prefix 'PC' denoting that a press cutting has been referred to and the subscription 'n' denoting the relevant page number of the article contained in the appendix. The sources of the press cuttings (PC) are contained in the list of sources. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk ondersoek die aangeleenthede rondom konflik hantering in die Suid-Afrikaanse Staatsdiens en die uitdrukking van georganiseerde konflik met verwysing na die 1999 Staatsdiens Salaris Dispuut en Stakings. In terme van indiensneming is die staatsdiens in Suid-Afrika as deel van die publieke sektor die grootste enkel werkgewer. Nasionale Departemente en Provinsies reflekteer ongeveer 70% van die Publieke Sektor. Arbeid in die publieke sektor was voorheen redelik stabiel en verseker; dus was daar geen nut vir die beskerming van amptenare teen afdanking. Werkers het geen onderhandelingsregte gehad nie en het buite die raamwerk van die Arbeidswetgewing (No 24 of 1956) gefunksioneer. In 1994 het die nuwe regering van nasionale eenheid die belangrikheid van staatsamptenare en die rol wat hulle moet speel in die rekonstruksie en ontwikkelingsproses in Suid-Afrika besef en dus ook die behoefte vir transformering van die diens ingesien. Die Staatsdiens Arbeidswetgewing van 1994 is vervang deur die nuwe Arbeidswetgewing (No 66 van 1995) in 1995, wat beide staatsamptenare sowel as die privaatsektor insluit. Dit was ook 'n belangrike stap in die bevordering van kollektiewe bedinging. Die wet het voorsiening gemaak vir die vestiging van die Staatsdiens Koordinerings Bedingings Raad en 'n model vir kollektiewe bedinging, gebasseer op effektiewe onderhandelingsstrukture. Volgens die Internasionale Arbeidsorganisasie is mediasie en konsiliasie prosesse steeds die mees algemene metodes vir die hantering van ekonomiese dispute in die staatsdiens. In Suid-Afrika het die nuwe Arbeids Wetgewing voorsiening gemaak vir die instelling van die Kommissie vir Konsiliasie, Mediasie en Arbitrasie. Sedert 1994 het verskeie probleme vir staatsamptenare ontstaan as gevolg van die transformasie proses en amptenare het meer en meer belangstelling getoon in unie lidmaatskap om hulle belange te beskerm. Salarisse is dié belangrikste enkel faktor wat arbeidsonrus veroorsaak. In 1999 het daar 'n totaal van 3,1 miljoen werksdae verlore gegaan as gevolg van stakings. Die 1999 salaris dispuut en onderhandelings het oor 'n tydperk van 'n rekord getal, naamlik 140 dae, geduur. Unies wat staatsamptenare verteenwoordig het op verskeie geleenthede aanbiedinge van die regering van die hand gewys, totdat die minister 'n eenparige besluit geneem het om die finale aanbod van 6,3% salarisaanpassing in te stel. Dit het 'n skudding in die alliansies veroorsaak en het tot die gesamentlike aksie van Cosatu en Fedusa geaffillieerde unies gelei. Die unies is onkant betrap en het hul versoek van 'n 10% verhoging na 7,3% verminder. Staatsamptenare het weereens oorgegaan tot arbeidsaksie; terwyl die regering by hul finale aanbod gebly het. Minister Trevor Manuel het gewaarsku dat die regering nie meer kon bekostig nie. Teen September was vakbondleiers nog steeds hoopvol dat president Thabo Mbeki 'n aanduiding sou gee om met onderhandelings voort te gaan, maar die deure vir onderhandelings was gesluit. Minister Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi het volgehou dat die regering uit hul pad gegaan het om 'n ooreenkoms te bereik. Ten tye van skrywe was die geskil nog nie opgelos nie. Nota: As gevolg van die feit dat die meeste inligting aangaande die 1999 Staatsdiens Salaris Dispuut en Stakings uit die pers verkry is, word die artikels waarna verwys word, ingesluit as 'n bylae. Om die verwysing na hierdie artikels te vergemaklik, is 'n spesifieke formaat van verwysing gebruik, naamlik 'PC n'. In hierdie verwysing verwys die voorskrif 'PC' na 'n media artikel. Die letter 'n' verwys na die relevante bladsy nommer wat aan die artikel toegeken is. Die bronne van die persartikels verskyn in die bronnelys.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The thesis is an analysis of the strikes at Volkswagen SA during the period 1999-2000 and its social and political outcomes. Seen from a broader perspective, it is a case study of social conflict in a young democracy after the formal demise of apartheid in 1994. By the time (i.e. early in 2000) events reached a climax, the company had lost millions of Rand in revenue and more than 1300 workers their jobs. The thesis wants to explain how this came to be - despite attempts by the company to establish a pluralistic industrial relations culture that go back to the early 1990s and after, ostensibly, gaining the consent of the shop stewards committee at the factory and the NUMSA leadership for a lucrative ("A4") export agreement. After studying the literature and the press, interviewing key actors in the "drama", and closely following the proceedings of the CCMA and the Labour Court, the thesis comes up with an explanation more complex than the "conventional" ones offered during and after the strike. The immediate cause of the strike action was the nonacceptance of the terms of the export agreement by 13 shop stewards and their supporters. These shop stewards had been elected onto the VW shop steward council after their union (i.e. NUMSA) and the company had concluded the agreement. When they came out in open defiance of the agreement, they were suspended by the union for their unconstitutional action. They subsequently tried to rally their followers for their own reinstatement. However, the thesis shows that the strikes of 1999 and 2000 were merely two more outbursts of shop floor tension and conflict that had been dormant for a long time. Before and after 1994, there existed informal structures and factions at the shop floor level which refused to tow the official NUMSA "line" - a policy which increasingly started to embrace the ethos of "reconstruction" and economic competitiveness. Neither the union leadership, nor company management were able to deal with these informal structures and bring the dissident faction under control. Although the potential for more cooperation and trust did exist, both the union leadership and management failed to turn this into "social capital". The thesis suggest that this may have been possible, if there had been more direct forms of worker participation (over and above the shop stewards committee). Also, the haemorraging of the union leadership after 1994, and the increasing bureaucratisation of industrial relations did nothing to improve the situation. To make matters worse, the thesis argues, the terms ofthe export agreement were not properly communicated to the union rank and file. To top it all, the thesis provides ample evidence that the VW workers could not record any extra material gains in exchange for more flexible working arrangements in the wake of the shift from "Fordism" to "Lean Production" at the Uitenhage factory. Here, "wealth creative" industrial relations did not accompany the shift to lean production, as post-Fordist theory would like to suggest. When the 13 shop stewards and a certain percentage of the VW workforce came out in protest against this arrangement, no special efforts were made to mediate the conflict. The "fallout" of the conflict includes hundreds of millions of Rand in lost company revenue, more unemployment in one of the poorest regions of South Africa, a drawn out legal process and political divisions in worker ranks and in the Uitenhage community. Although NUMSA admits to a "wakeup call", the relationship between the COSA TU affiliated union and the state is as close as ever. In the eyes of the thesis, however, the case of the VW strike, including the direct intervention of the head of state, is proof that the young, post-settlement democracy is not yet able to deal with social conflict in a mature way. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis is 'n analise van die stakings by Volkswagen SA tydens die periode 1999- 2000 en sy sosiale en politieke gevolge. Gesien vanuit 'n breer perspektief, is dit 'n gevallestudie van sosiale konflik in 'n jong demokrasie na die formele be'indiging van apartheid in 1994. Teen die tyd (vroeg in 2000) wat gebeure 'n hoogtepunt bereik het, het die maatskappy honderde miljoene Rande in inkomste verloor en meer as 1300 werkers hul werk. Die tesis wil verklaar waarom dit gebeur het - ten spyte van die pogings deur die firma sedert die vroee 1990s om 'n pluralistiese arbeidsverhoudingskultuur te skep en nadat die "shop stewards" komitee by die fabriek en die NUMSA leirskap oenskynlik sy instemming gegee het tot 'n lonende ("A4") uitvoerkontrak. Na 'n studie van die literatuur en die pers, onderhoude met sleutel akteurs in die "drama" en 'n noukeurige monitering van die verrigtinge by die CCMA en die arbeidshof, kom die tesis na vore met 'n verklaring wat meer kompleks is as die wat tydens die staking en daama aangebied is. Die onmidellike oorsaak van die staking was die nie-aanvaarding van die uitvoer ooreenkoms deur 13 "shop stewards" en hul ondersteuners. Hierdie "shop stewards" is verkies tot die VW "shop steward" komitee midat die unie (d.w.s. NUMSA) en die maatskappy die ooreenkoms gesluit het. Toe hulle openlike opposisie teen die ooreenkoms gewys het, is hulle deur die unie geskors vir hul onkonstitusionele optrede. Hulle het daama hul ondersteuners probeer mobiliseer vir die herstel van hul posisies. Die tesis wys egter dat die stakings van 1999 en 2000 bloot nog twee uitbarstings was van 'n smeulende fabrieksvloer konflik en spanning wat vir 'n lank tyd reeds sluimerend was. V oor en mi 1994 het daar informele strukture en faksies op die fabrieksvloer bestaan wat geweier het om die amptelike beleid van NUMSA te volg - 'n beleid wat toenemend die etos van "rekonstruksie" en ekonomiese mededingendheid aangeneem het. Nog die unie leierskap, nog die maatskappy bestuur was instaat om die informele strukture te hanteer en die afwykende faksie onder beheer te bring. Alhoewel die potensiaal vir meer samewerking en vertroue bestaan het, het beide die unie leierskap en die bestuur daarin gefaal om dit te omvorm tot "sosiale kapitaal". Die tesis suggereer dat dit moontlik sou gewees het as daar 'n meer direkte vorm van werkers deelname (bo en behalwe die "shop stewards" komitee) bestaan het. Die verlies aan kwaliteit leiers mi 1994, sowel as die toenemende burokratisering van arbeidsverhoudings het ook nie gehelp om die situasie te beredder me. Om dinge te vererger, redeneer die tesis, is die klousules van die uitvoer ooreenkoms nie behoorlik aan die gewone unie lede verduidelik nie. Om alles te kroon, voorsien die tesis genoeg bewyse dat die VW werkers nie enige ekstra materiele voordele kon aanteken in ruil vir meer buigsame werksreelings as deel van die skuif vanaf "Fordisme" na "Lean Production" by die fabriek in Uitenhage nie. Hier het "welvaartskeppende" arbeidsverhoudings nie hand-aan-hand gegaan met die skuif na "lean production, soos post-Fordistiese teorie wil suggereer nie. Toe die 13 "shop stewards" en 'n sekere persentasie van die VW arbeidsmag openlik daarteen geprotesteer het, is geen spesiale poging aangewend om die konflik te besleg nie. Die skade van die konflik sluit honderde miljoene Rande aan verlore maatskappy inkomste, meer werkloosheid in een van Suid-Afrika se armste streke, 'n uitgerekte regsproses en politieke verdeeldheid onder werkers en in die Uitenhage gemeenskap in. Alhoewel NUMSA erken dat hulle "wakkergeskrik" het, is die verhouding tussen die COSA TU geaffilieerde vakunie en die staat so eng soos vantevore. In die oe van· die tesis egter, is die geval van die VW staking, insluitende die direkte ingryping deur die staatshoof, 'n bewys daarvan dat die jong, post-skikking demokrasie nog nie gereed is om sosiale konflik op 'n ryp manier te hanteer nie.

This study analyses whether the advent of strike action has an effect on the value and volatility of the South African Rand compared with the US Dollar. The literature suggests that strike action can have a significant effect on the exchange rate in terms of either value or volatility, and consequences can result that cause inefficiencies in the economy; inhibiting employment and economic growth. Strike action has become common place in South Africa, with 2012 alone recording 99 strikes, 45 of which were “wildcat” or unprotected strikes. This study uses GARCH and Intervention Analyses to determine what the resulting effects of the strikes might be on the exchange rate. The analysis used ZAR/USD exchange rate data for the period January 2000 to October 2013, and covered 72 of the most significant strikes in terms of lost man-days. The results are mixed, suggesting that the effects of strikes do not always conform to expectations (increased volatility and a depreciation in the Rand), and that outside factors affecting the global economy may have a more significant effect on the exchange rate than strikes on their own.