This research investigated the manner in which a group of African male students perceive and construct gender equality in the work place. A sample of 19 African male students within the University of Witwatersrand student population was used. The participants were aged between 19 and 30 years. This specific age range was chosen on the grounds that most students in this age range would have already formed specific views regarding gender equality. Individual and focus group interviews were the main methods of data collection; both types of interviews were conducted with this varied sample of African male students. The study was qualitative in nature and it employed thematic content analysis as a method of data analysis. Key themes were identified and discussed.The results indicated the contradictory nature of how men understand and accept equality. This was evident in how men tried to curb and undermine the empowerment of women in a manner that helped to advance the agenda of men. The participants used a varied number of strategies to try and argue for male power and control. These strategies were utilised as deemed contextually relevant by the men. This was especially relevant in how men were seen to negotiate their roles within the workplace in a manner that would align or help them be seen to be in favour of equal opportunities in the workplace yet in private and within their homes they were seemingly against the whole notion altogether.

Nesta tese apresentamos a contribuição da população Yao no contexto da luta armada de independência de Moçambique que teve lugar de 25 de setembro de 1964 a 7 de setembro de 1974. Nesta luta os Yao integraram-se ao movimento armado dirigido pela FRENTE DE LIBERTAÇÃO DE MOÇAMBIQUE (FRELIMO), organização nacionalista moçambicana, contra o governo colonial português, tendo se destacado no desenvolvimento dos setores oriental e sul do Niassa e no que este governo designou de Estrada de Mataca. A participação Yao, documentada em fontes coloniais portuguesas, esteve diretamente ligada na importância geoestratégica que este corredor desempenhava ao interligar a Tanzânia, onde estava sediada a FRELIMO, as frentes militares do Niassa e o território do Malawi, pelo interior do Niassa, e os situou no interior do processo efetivo - político e militar - da disseminação do discurso nacionalista moçambicano. A análise da historiografia dos séculos XVIII, XIX e XX sobre os Yao permitiu observar a dinâmica do seu imaginário político que a despeito de suas experiências de poderio económico e militar e de dominação administrativa portuguesa demonstraram sua integração (não isenta de tensões e contradições) na luta armada de independência nacional do país. A pesquisa se baseou na documentação consultada no Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique, em Maputo, no Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo (ANTT) e no Arquivo Histórico Militar, ambos em Lisboa. / In this thesis, we present the contribution of the Yao population in the context of the armed struggle for independence of Mozambique that took place from September 25, 1964 to September 7, 1974. In this struggle, the Yao joined the armed movement led by the FRONT OF LIBERATION OF MOZAMBIQUE (FRELIMO), a Mozambican nationalist organization, against the Portuguese colonial government, having distinguished itself in the development of the eastern and southern sectors of Niassa and what this government has designated as the \"Mataca Road\". The Yao participation, documented in Portuguese colonial sources, was directly linked to the geostrategic importance that this corridor played in interconnecting Tanzania (where FRELIMO was based), the Niassa military fronts and the Malawian territory, through the interior of Niassa, which placed them within the effective process - political and military - of the dissemination of the Mozambican nationalist discourse. The analysis of the historiography of the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries on the Yao made it possible to observe the dynamics of his political imagination which, despite his experiences of economic and military power and Portuguese administrative domination, demonstrated his integration (not free of tensions and contradictions) in Armed struggle of the country\'s national independence. The research was based on the documentation consulted in the Mozambican Historical Archive in Maputo, in the National Archive of the Torre do Tombo (ANTT) and in the Historical Military Archive, both in Lisbon.

A trajetória do Partido dos Trabalhadores, sobretudo a partir do início da década de 90, se notabilizou por um distanciamento cada vez maior de suas bases sociais, de suas práticas organizativas e de seu projeto político de transformação da sociedade brasileira. Diante disso, o chamado trabalho de base, que caracterizou a construção dos movimentos populares e sindicais que ajudaram a formar o partido durante as décadas de 70 e 80, foi sendo abandonado como estratégia de construção política. O resultado foi o retrocesso organizativo e político da classe trabalhadora, agora enxergada pelos dirigentes do partido meramente como massa eleitoral e uma conseqüente dificuldade, ou mesmo impossibilidade, de mobilizar a classe para a luta por seus direitos e, em última instância, para a transformação das estruturas da sociedade brasileira. Retomando momentos importantes da história dos movimentos populares no Brasil - principalmente as primeiras décadas do século, marcada pela hegemonia do anarco-sindicalismo, bem como a década de 70, em que as CEBs foram protagonistas da organização dos movimentos populares fomos buscar elementos que nos permitam resgatar as principais características que marcaram o trabalho de base realizado por tais organizações da classe trabalhadora, a fim de que sirvam de elementos para a reflexão a respeito da necessária retomada do trabalho de base no interior das classes populares no Brasil contemporâneo, marcada pela hegemonia de um projeto que não contempla as verdadeiras necessidades do povo brasileiro. Finalmente, buscamos, na recente experiência de organização de movimentos populares urbanos surgidos na última década na Argentina, algumas práticas e reflexões que podem nos ajudar a pensar o desafio posto para a esquerda brasileira nos dias de hoje. / The trajectory of the Labor Party, especially since the early 90s, was emphasized by a growing divide their social bases, their organizational practices and their original political project of transformation of Brazilian society. Given this, the \"ground work\" that characterized the construction of popular movements and unions that helped shape the party during the 70\'s and 80\'s, was abandoned as a strategy for political integration. The result was the decline and organizational politics of the working class, then see the party leaders as merely \"electoral weight\" and a consequent difficulty, if not impossible, to mobilize the class to fight for their rights and, ultimately, to structural change in Brazilian society. Picking up moments in the history of popular movements in Brazil - especially the first decades of the century, marked by the hegemony of anarcho-syndicalism, and the 70, where CEBs were protagonists of the organization of popular movements - we get indication on allow rescue the main characteristics that marked the \"ground work\" done by these organizations of the working class in order to serve as elements for reflection on the necessary revival of \"basic work\" within the popular classes in contemporary Brazil marked by the hegemony of a project that does not address the real needs of the Brazilian people. Finally, we look at the recent experience of organizing urban popular movements have arisen in the last decade in Argentina, and some practical considerations that can help us think about the challenge posed to the Brazilian left today.

O processo de reconstituição factual e de reflexão crítica acerca da ditadura civilmilitar de 1964 e de seu legado permanece incompleto e permeado por zonas de silêncio e interdições. Decorridos pouco mais de trinta anos da Lei de Anistia, muitos acontecimentos permanecem desconhecidos ao tempo em que se observa a existência de importantes lacunas nas articulações entre o passado e o presente e, mais especificamente, entre o legado da ditadura e a memória daqueles que a ela se opuseram ativamente. Visando contribuir para o entendimento desse passado, e de seu legado, esta pesquisa procurou caracterizar o protagonismo dos presos políticos na defesa de transformações sociais e na luta contra a ditadura e, ao mesmo tempo, oferecer um panorama reflexivo sobre a construção de suas memórias a respeito dessas lutas e da experiência-limite da tortura e da prisão. Para alcançar esses objetivos, a pesquisa pautou-se por um amplo registro das memórias desses protagonistas por meio da metodologia da História Oral de Vida um conjunto de 90 entrevistas com ex-presos políticos. O que permitiu a coleta de informações até aqui inéditas no que diz respeito à organização dos presos e à atuação dos órgãos repressivos. A execução e desenvolvimento dessa metodologia deram origem a reflexões teóricas que visaram interpretar o material coletado, contextualizando-o crítica e historicamente. Partiu-se, ainda, da premissa de que tais testemunhos, juntamente com os de advogados, familiares e militantes permitiriam aprofundar as pesquisas desenvolvidas sobre as lutas revolucionárias e de resistência; a clandestinidade; as formas institucionais da repressão política e as disputas políticas estabelecidas dentro e fora dos cárceres. Os depoimentos dos ex-presos permitiram, ainda, a análise de suas estratégias de sobrevivência e memória. Tais estratégias foram aqui discutidas à luz dos esforços empreendidos para a compreensão da maneira como eles próprios reorganizaram identidades, constituíram grupos de ação política e definiram maneiras de se relacionar com o legado das experiências-limite. Reconstruir as tramas dessa história, com o suporte do material coletado, apresenta novas possibilidades de interpretação desse período recente da história brasileira cuja atualidade permanece. / The process of reconstituting the facts and of producing a critical analysis of the civilian-military dictatorship of 1964 and its legacy is incomplete and permeated by interdits and silence. After a little more than thirty years of the Amnesty Law, many events remain unknown, while important lacunae abide between the past and the present and, more specifically, between the legacy of the dictatorship and the memory of those who actively opposed it. Aiming to contribute to the understanding of this past and of its legacy, this study sought to describe the protagonism of political prisoners in the defense of social transformation and in the struggle against the dictatorship. At the same time, it aimed to offer a reflective view on the ways former prisoners have constructed their memories of these struggles and of the limit-experience of torture and prison. To achieve these objectives, the study made use of an extensive record of the memories of these protagonists. Using the methodology of Oral Life History, a set of 90 interviews with ex-political prisoners was conducted, allowing the collection of as yet unpublished information relating to the prisoners organization and the actions of the repressive agencies. The execution and development of this methodology gave rise to theoretical reflections which sought to interpret the material collected by contextualizing it critically and historically. The underlying premise was that these testimonies, together with those of lawyers, family members, and militants of the opposition, would allow us to deepen research on revolutionary struggles and resistance, on life in clandestinity, on the institutional forms of political repression, and on the political debates carried on inside and outside the prisons. The testimonies of the former prisoners also made possible an analysis of their strategies for survival and memory. These strategies were discussed here in an effort to understand the way that the ex-prisoners themselves reorganized identities, constructed political action groups, and defined ways of relating to the legacy of limit-experiences. The reconstruction of the frames of this history, based upon the material collected introduces new oportunities for interpretation of this recent period in Brazilian history, which has echoes in the present day.

A luta pela terra é um processo inegável na historia do Brasil. Desde o saque gerado pelos portugueses às terras indígenas, e em sua trajetória também, a um sem número de camponeses, sempre foi marcada pela extrema violência e pelas forças díspares empregadas. Procurando entender os determinantes de um episódio ocorrido em 2009, conhecido como Caso Cutrale, quando integrantes do MST ocuparam uma unidade desta empresa, localizada entre os municípios de Iaras e Borebi, demonstrando o litigio sobre as terras legitimadas pelos movimentos sociais como passiveis de reforma agrária, uma vez que há evidências que se tratam de terras públicas, ficou clara a necessidade de investigar os condicionantes de tal manifestação, que repercutiu perante a sociedade através de um posicionamento parcial da mídia nacional, e com atuação questionável do judiciário. A terra é sinônimo de poder às elites brasileiras, e assim, é importante desdobra-se sobre o papel da terra na configuração das relações de poder e lutas de classes, principalmente após a sua transformação em mercadoria após 1850. Para tal, investigar os processos de ocupação da localidade, desde os levantamentos sobre a existência de terras devolutas, bem como a aquisição de terras através de dividas pelo Governo Federal no inicio do século XX, que lhe dá o caráter de terra publica é a chave inicial de reflexão. E como uma praxe nefasta presenciada em todo Brasil, essas terras não ficaram alheias às ações de grilagens. Logo, entender os processos que transformaram essas terras em palco de lutas e disputas, bem como a esperança de muitas famílias em ter seu pedaço de chão para plantar é que determinam as diretrizes dessa pesquisa, procurando entender as discrepâncias encontradas entre os que lutam pela terra armados pela força de vontade contra aqueles que se armam de ações judiciais, da mídia e do capital. Assim, chegaremos às conclusões sobre os desdobramentos dessas disputas, em que a luta camponesa é obrigada a se deparar, em um típico processo de tentativas de destruição do campesinato. / The struggle for land is an undeniable process in the history of Brazil. Since the loot generated by the Portuguese indigenous lands, and also in its trajectory, the countless peasants, has been marked by extreme violence and the disparate forces employed. Trying to understand the determinants of an episode occurred in 2009, known as \"Cutrale Case\" when members of the MST occupied a unit of this company, located between the towns of Iaras and Boreham, demonstrating the dispute over land legitimized by social movements as liable to agrarian reform, since there is evidence that these are public lands, there was a clear need to investigate the determinants of such expressions, that resonated in society by positioning part of the national media, and questionable actions of the judiciary. The land is synonymous with power to the Brazilian elites, and so it is important unfolds on the role of land in the configuration of power relations and class struggles, especially after its transformation into goods after 1850. To reach this aim, to investigate the processes of occupation of the town, from the surveys of the existence of vacant land as well as land acquisition through debt by the Federal Government in the early twentieth century, which gives the character of public land is the key initial reflection. And as a nefarious practice witnessed throughout Brazil, these lands were not the actions of others grilagens. Therefore, to understand the processes that transformed this land into a stage for fights and disputes, as well as the hope of many families to have their piece of land to plant that determine the guidelines of this research, trying to understand the discrepancies found between those who struggle for land by armed force of will against those who arm themselves from lawsuits, media and capital. Thus, we will conclude what are the consequences of these disputes, in which the peasant struggle is bound to come across in a typical process attempts to destroy the peasantry.

Thesis advisor: Deborah Levenson / The emergence of the concept of Fair Trade has inspired a new form of supply-determination by socially conscious consumers. Since it began official certification, Fair Trade has served as a tool to curb the exploitation of labor. It has also promoted direct connections between vendors and producers, organized participatory democracy, continuity in trade relations, respect for the environment, movement toward equal status of gender, and living wages for workers. Small family farmers now produce over 51 percent of coffee in the world, and 90 percent of the world's cocoa. With a History Honors Thesis, I seek to examine the use of worker-owned recuperated factories of Argentina for the production of Fair Trade footwear and apparel. Such factories require more complicated chains of supply (primary materials, numerous factories for production, contractors, transportation, warehouses, and retail) than primary materials such as coffee. Started in the 1980s, the recuperated factories in Argentina may provide the complex links to a sweatshop-free market, which have been lacking. The experiment has exploded to about 180 businesses since an economic crisis in 2001 forced owners to flee and workers to gain expropriation, half through legislation and half through occupation, according to journalist Andrés Ruggeri. My project seeks to investigate whether chains of production and distribution of complex Fair Trade certified or sweatshop-free products, using recuperated factories in Argentina, could serve as an economic alternative for manufactured Fair Trade products. By pursuing in-depth research on this project and understanding porteño culture and labor struggles, I have built a strong foundation for a thesis. My independent study project for the School for International Training during my Fall 2005 semester abroad in the Southern Cone (Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Brazil) became my passion and provides preliminary background information. Basing the project on interviews I had conducted with workers from ceramics, textile, and shoe recuperated factories all over, I found evidence of new supply chains with words from key leaders like Raul Godoy, Vasco Abelli, and Luis Caro (Control Obrero, El Movimiento Nacional de Empresas Recuperadas, and El Movimiento Nacional de Fábricas Recuperadas por los Trabajadores). I also became personally involved in the network of founders of current trade groups based in Argentina, with whom I will consult for my work on the History Honors Thesis. Building directly on research interests, and especially the interviews that I conducted in my semester in Argentina, I will address the complexities of the philosophical foundations, key figures, and actions that have comprised the vast history of labor in Argentina from its pre-capitalist mutuales artisan communities up to the contemporary situation with close academic mentorship from Professor Levenson. With plentiful sources of information, I will document each prospective or current deal to produce for Fair Trade distributors, develop an understanding of which products are feasible for ethical supply chains, analyze the success of such collaborations with new distributors, and compare and contrast them with business for former or other clients. Portions of the movement vary in ideology and vision, but all seek to maintain relations with former distributors. The primary concern is surviving and gaining expropriation, but the movement is witnessing a series of new strong inter-relations and projects for Fair Trade. There is a hopeful outlook for the recuperated factories, and integration into a Fair Trade market is a feasible goal for the next era (2006-2011) of the movement. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: History Honors Program.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo proceder a uma investigação acerca do papel de periódicos eletrônicos de mídias alternativas e debates de crítica social enquanto possíveis espaços formativos e educativos, e de reorganização da classe trabalhadora. Tendo como base de análise a teoria do valor-trabalho de Marx, analisamos a rede mundial de computadores, inserida dentro do campo maior das tecnologias microeletrônicas da terceira revolução industrial e enquanto base tecnológica e organizacional da reestruturação produtiva, enquanto parte estratégica do aparato que integra as condições gerais de produção do capital. Assim, esta se apresenta enquanto um conjunto tecnológico diretamente ligado ao processo de trabalho, responsável pela organização, controle, comando e fiscalização sobre o complexo de unidades particulares de produção que integram a Fábrica Social. A rede é concebida enquanto instrumento de controle social, que permite ditar o ritmo dos processos de trabalho no âmbito da fábrica social e fundir a vigilância com o próprio processo de trabalho, bem como os consumos organizados enquanto reprodução da força de trabalho. Considerando-se a organização social capitalista enquanto totalidade expandida e organizada como Fábrica Social, o processo dos consumos, lazeres e tempos livres se torna, uma vez sujeito à hetero-organização imposta pelas empresas e tecnocracias, um processo laborativo de consumo produtivo. A própria força de trabalho é produzida no interior deste processo, e assim, os lazeres eletrônicos e usos da rede de computadores pelos trabalhadores são também terreno de conflito social pelos usos dados a esta por capitalistas e trabalhadores. De um lado, configura-se a tentativa capitalista de hetero-organizar o uso destas redes enquanto instrumento de controle social e imposição de trabalho sobre uma classe trabalhadora que se encontra fragmentada pelo processo de divisão do trabalho na atual configuração produtiva. De outro lado, estruturam-se usos e apropriações das mesmas redes e tecnologias pelos trabalhadores, que potencialmente permitem a circulação e articulação dos processos de lutas sociais e a recomposição política da classe trabalhadora fato manifesto no importante papel da internet durante as atuais ondas internacionais e nacionais de protestos e lutas sociais. Ainda e finalmente, a apropriação e uso autônomo destas tecnologias pelos trabalhadores podem constituir fóruns de debate que assumem marcado caráter de potencial formativo e educativo, como o foi a imprensa operária independente no princípio do século XX. Assim, através da análise de quatro periódicos eletrônicos autônomos Centro de Mídia Independente, Desinformémonos, Passa Palavra e Sinal de Menos procuramos determinar o papel destes sites e espaços eletrônicos enquanto potenciais veículos de reorganização da classe trabalhadora, de autoformação, construção de conhecimento e identidade social da classe. Procuramos, através da análise do histórico, composição social, forma de organização e visões sobre o processo autoformativo e auto-organizativo por parte de seus leitores e coletivos produtores, determinar como se dá este processo, quais suas potencialidades e limites dentro das lutas sociais atuais. Para isto, procedemos ao levantamento de documentos editoriais dos periódicos e à análise cruzada de depoimentos de seus produtores e leitores. / This work aims to investigate the matter on the role of electronic journals of alternative media and debates of social critics as possible formative and educational spaces, and in reorganization of the working class. Focused on the basis of Marx\'s theory of labor value, we analyze the worldwide web, inserted within the larger field of microelectronic technologies of the third industrial revolution and as the technological and organizational basis for productive restructuring, as a strategic part of the apparatus that integrates the capitalist general conditions of production. Thus, it is presented as a technological set directly linked to the work process, responsible for the organization, control, command and surveylance over the complex of private production units that make up the Social Factory. The net is designed as instrument of social control, which allows dictate the pace of work processes within the social fabric and fuse monitoring with the work process itself, as well as consumption organized while reproduction of the labor force. Considering the capitalist social organization as whole expanded and organized as Social Factory, the process of consumption, leisure and free time becomes, once subject to hetero-organization imposed by the companies and technocracies a working process of productive consumption. The labor force itself is produced within this process, and thus the electronic and leisure uses of the computer network by workers are also field of social conflict by utilization of this by capitalists and workers. On the one hand, sets up the capitalist attempt to hetero-organize the use of these networks as a social instrument of control and enforcement work on a working class that is fragmented by the division of labor process in the current productive configuration. On the other hand, are structured uses and appropriations of the same networks and technologies by workers, which potentially allow the movement and articulation of social struggles processes and political re-composition of the working class - Manifest fact in the important role of the Internet during the current international national waves of protests and social struggles. Still and finally, appropriation and autonomous use of these technologies by workers may constitute discussion forums that take marked character of formative and educational potential, as was the independent labor press in the early twentieth century. Thus, through the analysis of four independent electronic journals - Independent Media Center, Desinformémonos, Passa Palavra and Sinal de Menos - we want to determine the role of these sites and electronic spaces as potential reorganization means of the working class, self-formative, building knowledge and social identity of the class. Sought through historical analysis, social composition, form of organization and views on the self-formation and self-organization process on the part of its readers and producer\'s collectives, determine how is this process, which its potential and limitations of the current social struggles. For this, we proceed to the survey of electronic journals publishing documents and cross-analysis of testimonials from their producers and readers.

A presente pesquisa teve por objetivo estudar a negociação coletiva trabalhista, contextualizada pela dinâmica da luta de classes inerente ao sistema capitalista de produção, a fim de verificar o seu processo de transformação, de mecanismo de discussão e elaboração de direitos benéficos aos trabalhadores em instrumento de retirada de tais direitos e de obtenção pelo poder econômico do consentimento para a exploração nas relações de trabalho. Foram analisados de maneira crítica os pressupostos clássicos da negociação coletiva, como a autonomia privada coletiva e a equivalência dos sujeitos coletivos, além de apresentados a dinâmica da pluralidade normativa do direito do trabalho e elementos de harmonização das fontes, notadamente à luz de princípios com o da imperatividade das normas estatais de proteção ao trabalhador e o da melhoria da condição social do trabalhador. No desenvolvimento do tema, passou-se pela teoria marxista da luta de classes, pelo neoliberalismo e reestruturação produtiva, pela fragmentação e concorrência da classe trabalhadora. Além disso, houve a análise da representação jurídica dos trabalhadores por meio de suas entidades sindicais, inclusive com elementos do surgimento do sindicalismo contemporâneo e em especial do brasileiro, notadamente no que se refere ao novo sindicalismo do final da década de 1970 e de 1980 (confrontativo e combativo), ao sindicalismo de diálogo e cooperação com o capital da década de 1990 e início dos anos 2000, até chegar no sindicalismo dos últimos dez anos, com aspectos de combatividade e também de integração à racionalidade do capital. Por fim, concluiu-se que a negociação coletiva tem sofrido progressivo processo de apropriação pelo capital, em prejuízo dos trabalhadores e que a melhor atitude da classe trabalhadora na negociação é de resistência e confronto, valendo-se dos meios pacíficos e legítimos. / This research aimed to study the collective labor bargaining, contextualized by the dynamics of the class struggle of the capitalist production system in order to verify its transformation process, discussion mechanism and development of beneficial rights to workers into withdrawal instrument of those rights and the attainment by the economic power of consent for exploitation in work relations. The classical principles of collective bargaining were critically analyzed, such as the private collective autonomy and the equivalence of collective subjects; as well as were presented the dynamics of normative plurality of labor law and elements harmonization of sources, especially in the light of principles such as the imperative of state standards to worker protection and the improvement of the worker´s social condition. As the topic was developed, we´ve been through the marxist theory of class struggle, the neoliberalism and productive restructuring, and the fragmentation and competition of the working class. In addition, there was the analysis of the legal representation of workers through their unions, including element of the emergence of modern trade unionism (and especially the Brazilian case), notably regarding the new labor movement by the end of the 1970s and 1980s (confrontational and combative), to the trade unionism of dialogue and cooperation with the capital of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s, until the trade unionism of the past ten years, with aspects of militancy and also integration into the rationality of capital. Finally, it was concluded that collective bargaining has undergone a gradual process of appropriation by the capital to the detriment of workers, and that the best stand of the working class in trading is resistance and confrontation, taking advantage of the peaceful and legitimate means.

Notre thèse porte sur la question carcérale et la gauche révolutionnaire en Italie dans les années 1970 et 1980.La question carcérale devient centrale, en Italie, à partir des années 1970 : ce sont des années de révolte et de revendications de masse, mais aussi la période des mouvements de lutte armée. À ce moment-là, l'État se retrouve confronté à un double problème : d'une part, celui de la réforme du système pénitentiaire, avec des prisons vétustes et des règlements archaïques hérités de la période fasciste, et d'autre part la montée en puissance des mouvements extra-parlementaires et de la lutte armée, qui ne cessent d'augmenter la population carcérale.Cette étude vise à analyser le rôle joué par le système carcéral pendant cette période de crise pour la jeune République italienne, et ceci selon plusieurs points de vue. Nous analysons, d'une part, le mouvement revendicatif des détenus de droit commun, qui se politisent au contact des jeunes extra-parlementaires arrêtés après leurs manifestations. D'autre part, nous étudions la montée en flèche de la violence révolutionnaire qui s'oppose à un État qui, de son côté, accroît l'intensité de la répression et met en place des mesures d'urgence pour contrer la dissidence. Cette confrontation donne naissance à une période particulièrement violente, où la prison fini par assumer une fonction de gestion du conflit politique.À travers la description d'un corpus très varié (articles de journaux, tracts, documents théoriques, documents militants de revendication, archives ministérielles, archives de l'administration pénitentiaire) mais aussi des textes historiographiques et des témoignages directs, cette étude pose la question plus générale du rôle central de l'univers carcéral, comme une véritable clé de lecture sociopolitique des années 70 et 80 italiennes. / Our thesis focuses on the prison issue and the revolutionary Left in Italy during the 1970s and 1980s.The prison question becomes central in Italy from the 1970s: these are the years of revolt and mass claims, but also the period of the armed struggle. At that time, the State faces a double problem: first, the necessary reform of the prison system, with prisons in dilapidated state and archaic regulations inherited from the fascist period ; and secondly the rise of extra-parliamentary movements and armed struggle, which are both increasing the prison population.This study aims at analyzing the part played by the prison system during this crisis period in the young Italian Republic, according to several points of view. We analyze, on the one hand, the protest movement of the common criminals who politicize themselves in contact with the young extra-parliamentary people arrested after their demonstrations. On the other hand, we study the soaring revolutionary violence that opposes the State which, in turn, increases the intensity of repression and sets up emergency measures to counter dissidence. This confrontation gives rise to a particularly violent period in which the prison finally takes up a role of political conflict management.Through the description of a varied corpus (newspaper articles, pamphlets, theoretical documents, activists claim, ministerial archives, archives of the prison administration) as well as historical texts and eyewitness accounts, this study raises the more general question of the prison system as a central key to sociopolitical reading of the Italian Seventies and Eighties.

Destacaremos nessa pesquisa alguns aspectos da obra de Honoré Daumier na França no período da Monarquia de Julho (1830-1848) e da Segunda República (1848-1851). Mais especificamente: como o artista analisou e representou o período de 1830-35 e seus principais personagens e acontecimentos, momento de luta política aberta graças à liberdade de imprensa e caricatura; aspectos da \"estética antiburguesa\" de Daumier diante da forte censura, de 1835 a 1848, nos casos do personagem Robert Macaire e de cenas de contraposição trabalhador x burguês; e, o personagem Ratapoil, alegoria da ideologia bonapartista, durante o curto espaço da República, 1848-1851. Dado que esse período é marcado pelo processo de formação da consciência de classe dos trabalhadores franceses, bem como pela difusão da litografia como meio de reprodução imagens - a partir de então aptas a comentar o cotidiano como a imprensa escrita -, sugerimos que a caricatura, cuja função seria mostrar \"o outro lado\" do que retrata, tenha se tornado uma das armas políticas em condições de influenciar não apenas os debates, mas a mobilização política. Pois, durante tal processo, Daumier não apenas tomou parte ao lado dos movimentos trabalhadores e republicanos de maneira coerente. Mais que isso, desenvolveu uma estética caricatural realista ao extremo - sem fundar-se na representação mimética. Uma caricatura realista no sentido de calcada nos acontecimentos históricos e na introdução, nas imagens, de elementos reais que remetem a tais fatos ou personagens recentes, e apresenta-se em imagens alegóricas de fácil leitura. Tal desenvolvimento da caricatura ter-se-ia dado no intuito de comunicar ideias e análises políticas de modo claro e preciso e, assim, tentar inverter as versões e discursos \"oficiais\", ou ainda, \"contra-comunicar\". / This dissertation highlights aspect of the work of Honoré Daumier in France during the July Monarchy (1830-1848) and the Second Republic (1848-1851). Particular emphasis was placed on: how the artist analyzed and represented the period from 1830 to 1835, the main characters and events of these years, a time of open political struggle thanks to freedom of press and thanks to the use of caricature; aspects of the \"anti-bourgeois aesthetic\" of Daumier and its strong opposition to censorship from 1835 to 1848, with the character Robert Macaire and scenes of conflict between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat; and aspects of the character Ratapoil, an allegory of the Bonapartist ideology, during the short period of the Republic, 1848-1851. Considering the fact that this period is marked by the formation of class consciousness of the French workers as well as by the spread of lithography as a means of image reproduction -- henceforth fit to comment on daily life as the written press was - it is suggested that caricature, which has the function of showing \"the other side\" of what it portrays, became one of the political weapons able to influence not only the political debates, but the political mobilizations. That is so because during such process Daumier not only took part alongside the workers movement and the Republicans, but he also developed a extremely realistic cartoon aesthetic -- not based in mimetic representational forms. His caricature was realistic in the sense that it was grounded in historical events and the use of real elements that made reference to events or characters of the time, and is presented in allegorical pictures of easy reading. This could be the result of the artist\'s intention to communicate ideas and political analyzes in a clear and precise manner, and thus invert \"official\" discourses and versions, or even \"counter-communicate\".