Syftet med studien är att utifrån Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjfilm undersöka hur de planerade kommunikationsverktygen profil, identitet och image tolkas utifrån tre olika perspektiv. Under studiens gång har vi genomfört strukturerade intervjuer med tre medlemmar inom Sverigedemokraterna, en semiotisk filmanalys av partiets valkampanjfilm och utfört enkätundersökningar med 100 röstberättigade elever vid Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet.   Studiens resultat visar att Sverigedemokraternas profil stämmer överens med valkampanjfilmens identitet. Gällande image anser partiet att allmänhetens tolkning inte stämmer överens med partiets profil. Ett problem som Sverigedemokraterna säger sig ligga i att media har kommunicerat en felaktig bild av partiet.   Vår semiotiska filmanalys visar att Sverigedemokraternas budskap framgår tydligt i valkampanjfilmen genom att visa hur invandringen kostar mycket, samtidigt som pensionärerna blir drabbade. Studiens resultat visar även att mer än hälften av eleverna på Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet hade en negativ inställning till Sverigedemokraterna och 70 procent ansåg att individerna i valkampanjfilmen framställs orättvist. / This study will investigate how the Sweden Democrats' use the planned communication tools: profile, identity and image in their election campaign film. We have during the study used three different perspectives: structured interviews with three members of the Sweden Democrats, a semiotic film analysis of the party's election campaign film and performed a survey of 100 voting students at Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet.   The results of the study have demonstrated that the Sweden Democrats' profile is consistent with the campaign film's identity. The Sweden Democrats believes that the image of the party is not consistent with the party's profile. The problem that the Sweden Democrats claim to be medias fault. Our semiotic film analysis shows that the Sweden Democrats' message is clear in the election campaign by showing how immigration is expensive, while pensioners are affected. Our results also show that more than half of the students at Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet had a bias against the Sweden Democrats and 70 percent felt that the individuals in the election campaign film were represented wrong.

Denna uppsats ämnar utforska ett statsvetenskapligt område med en sociologisk teori för att ge ett nytt verktyg i läsandet av partiprogram. Med hjälp av Peter L. Bergers teori om kosmiskt världsbyggande kallad Nomos läses partiprogram för att fram den politiska världsbyggnaden. Genom att identifiera Objektivering (politiska idéer) och Externalisering (politisk handling) i partiprogrammen försöker uppsatsen bryta ner partiprogrammen för att underlätta läsningen. Detta underlättande ger ett verktyg för förståelse av partiprogram och kan i förlängningen leda till en förbättrad källkritisk aspekt genom att läsaren förstår och kan ta ställning till de idéer och mål som presenteras, och inte bara anfalla en vägg av text. / This essay aims to explore a problem within the political sciences with a sociological theory to provide a new approach to reading political parties campaign publications. Through Peter L. Bergers sociological theory about cosmic world construction called Nomos the essay aims to capture a societal world construction through the political parties’ conceptions of society through their campaign publications; a political nomos. By identifying objectivation (political ideas) and externalization (political acts) in the publications we can try to capture the parties’ political nomos that they try to convey to the reader. In extension this provides a tool for educational purposes when trying to explain political parties’ publication to pupils or aiding in the understanding of parties underlying ideas and goals.

Engblom, Gustav (2009) De nya riksdagspartierna och den politiska dagordningen “The new parilament parties and the political agenda.” 1988 and 1991 the swedish parties Miljöpartiet, Ny demokrati and Kristdemokratiska samlingspartiet made it over the 4 percent threshold and successfully entered the Swedish parliament. Sweden was once described as one of the most stable political systems in the world, but the parliament elections of 1988 and 1991 showed that Sweden was no exception from the growing instability in west democratic political systems. The stability and instability that followed in the west democratic political systems is believed to be explained by the political parties’ efforts to adjust to changes in their political environment. This has lead them to cartelize and the cartel party is believed to prefer stability over triumph for various reasons. The established political parties are believed to be able to manipulate the political agenda in such a way that political topics that would have caused great turbulence in the political system, if debated, are kept away from the political agenda. This the cartel members do to reduce competition among each another. But these political topics can still cause turbulence in the political system if such an issue is actualized by a new party. This essay describes how established party’s propaganda correlates with media’s coverage of the same political issues and how this influence voter preferences. The essay also describes how established parliament parties deals with new parties that aspire to win seats in the Swedish parliament. The main conclusion is that media’s coverage has a huge impact on which questions are perceived to be important to the voters and that established parties do not gain from confronting new parties such as Sverigedemokraterna, if their goal is to keep Sverigedemokraterna from getting seats in the Swedish Parliament. It is instead better to “silence them to death.” However if a new party is ignored by the established parties, but manages to convince the public that a crisis will occur if nothing is done to improve current conditions, this strategy backfires, as it did in 1988 when Miljöpartiet became a parliament party.       Keywords: political agenda; new parties; political instability; media; Sverigedemokraterna

Europe has under the last couple of years experienced the most critical migration problem yet, with a refugee crisis that has affected the European view on migration. In correlation with this change, right wing populistic parties have had an upswing. These parties have during the last couple of decades succeeded to become established in the political sphere in a great amount of countries all over the continent, including Sweden. The party in Sweden is called The Swedish Democrats and their aim is to market themselves as “Sweden’s only opposition party”. Despite the party´s great work on labeling itself as the “voice of the people”, many people in the public debate have started questioning this self-proclaimed status. They mean that The Swedish Democrats have approached the opinions of the establishment, making their stand as the only opposition party fake and populistic. The aim of this paper was to examine this thought, whether the public debaters were correct about the politics of The Swedish Democrats and if they have truly become closer to the political elite. This essay studied motions from The Swedish Democrats during 2010/2011 and 2016/2017, these were compared with motions from the two biggest parties in the parliament, The Social Democrats and The Moderate Party. By comparing the motions the paper hoped to see if the politics of the parties had closed in on each other and which party that had changed their political stand. The motions were examined by implementing the Toulmin-schedule, an analytical tool that structured the political stand of the parties. The theory of this paper was based on the anti-establishment theory by Jens Rydgren and an addition to this was Alain de Benoists utopian thoughts about Ethnopluralism. The conclusion of this essay was that the parties had not approached each other between the periods of 2010/2011 and 2016/2017. This was explained by applying the anti-establishment theory on The Swedish Democrats, to maintain their exceptional position in the political sphere they need to not come too close to the other parties’ political stand. By assimilating the ideas of Ethnopluralism, The Swedish Democrats becomes too radical and distant to the rest of the parties of parliament, insuring the exceptional political positioning. In the following chapter this empirical analysis is discussed and the paper lands in the conclusion that a more research-based debate about the political parties is necessary to shut down the ill arguments and discussions that flows all over the medial sphere, and that a firmer dialogue about nationalism and the Swedish identity is critical to not suffocate the public opinion.

This study aims to provide answers to whether the politics of the Swedish Democrats contains elements of xenophobia. The Swedish Democrats have become a major political party in Sweden. Today they are the Swedish parliament's third largest political party. Due to an ambition to grow as a party even more, the Swedish Democrats have a stated ambition of zero tolerance against racists. Nevertheless, the party has continued to build its policy on an immigration-critical agenda. Other parliamentary parties have so far not wanted to cooperate with the Swedish Democrats with reference to the party's xenophobic policy. However, if the Swedish Democrats continue to grow in size as a party, it will become increasingly difficult for other parties to continue ignoring the party's influence in the Swedish parliament. The study has consisted of rhetorical analysis of the Swedish Democrats party platforms from the party's formation until today. This analysis shows that the image the party gives of itself in the party platform has not changed significantly since the party was formed. However, the latest party platform of the Swedish Democrats includes more features of xenophobia than their first party program did. The policy of the Sweden Democrats thus still contains xenophobic elements.

Det senaste Riksdagsvalet blev ett segertåg för det främlingsfientliga, populistiska partiet, Sverigedemokraterna. Riksdagsspärren på fyra procent klarade dock inte partiet och procentuellt sätt kunde partiet tillskriva sig knappt tre procent av svenska folkets röster. Att jag i inledningen av sammanfattningen kallade valet för ett segertåg för partiet omfattas av andra faktorer än enbart nästan representation i Riksdagen. I efterskalvet av partiets valframgångar dök det upp frågor hos mig framför allt det minst sagt förvirrade förhållandet som samhället uppvisar gentemot Sverigedemokraterna. Det framkom tämligen snabbt hur komplext och snårigt det var för framför allt politiker, debattörer och media att debattera med partiet. Under den tidsperiod som uppsatsens empiriska material omfattas av återfinns en rad argument som både innehåller motsägelser och argument som är dåligt underbygga.      Intentionen med uppsatsen blev således att dels genomföra en beskrivande idéanalys samt en argumentationsanalys av centrala argument som varit de mest framträdande i hur en effektiv debatt med partiet kan gå tillväga. För att kunna genomföra uppsatsen utkristalliserades tre frågeställningar.    – vilken typ av pro och contra- argument lyfts fram i debatten kring Sverigedemokraterna?   – vilka är huvudaktörerna till framförda argument och utkristalliseras det några skillnader utifrån det empiriska materialet?   – vad säger den befintliga forskningen inom ämnesområdet om de argument som framförs?   Uppsatsens resultat tar fasta på två sammanfattande punkter. Dels påvisar uppsatsens sammanställning hur komplext och komplicerat förhållandet till Sverigedemokraterna faktiskt är och hur svårt det har varit för samhället att finna en effektiv strategi i bemötandet av partiet. Oeffektiva strategier såsom strutsteknik och moraliska argument som egentligen enbart spela Sverigedemokraterna i händerna och således lett till ett ökat intresse för partiet har varit den ledande strategin. Andra punkten omfattar uppsatsens unikhet i det faktum att uppsatsen är den första sammanfattningen och sammanställning av argument i debatten. Min förhoppning är att uppsatsen kan vara ett hjälpmedel och förhoppningsvis leda debatten framåt.

University of Växjö School of Social Sciences Bachelor Thesis in Political Science Title: “Sverigedemokraternas valframgångar 2006 – En ulv i fårakläder?” Author: Emma Haraldsson and Åsa Neuschütz Tutor: Emil Uddhammar The aim of this study is to explain Sverigedemokraterna’s electoral success in 2006 and the essay assumes that some form of change has occurred. To study this change two hypotheses have been constructed. The first hypothesis concerns the change within Sverigedemokraterna and the second hypothesis concerns the change of the Swedish voters attitudes. Kirchheimers catch-all theory is used to explain the change in Sverigedemokraterna. The catch-all theory states that parties have to change their structure to maximise the number of votes. Lipset and Rokkan’s theory about the party system is also used along with Inglehart’s value studies to explain why parties change. The tests of the hypotheses are carried out through a text analysis and a statistical survey. The essay concludes that Sverigedemokraterna has not changed very much and that it is mainly an esthetical and not an ideological change. Therefore the first hypothesis has to be falsified. The second hypothesis can be neither falsified nor verified, because the material is too diverse. Further studies are necessary to explain the electoral success of Sverigedemokraterna.

Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att beskriva riksdagsledamöternas twittrande och försöka lyfta framnågot av det som kännetecknar Twittermediet. Det uppfylls genom att besvara frågorna: • Vilken typ av interpersonella språkhandlingar utförs i riksdagsledamöternas twittrande? • Hur kan man kategorisera och beskriva de interpersonella språkhandlingarna? • Skiljer sig språkhandlingarna åt beroende på parti-, blocktillhörighet eller kön? • Finns det några språkliga särdrag som är typiska för riksdagsledamöternas användande avTwittermediet? Frågorna besvaras genom att undersöka alla tweets som skrevs av någon ledamot av Sverigesriksdag den 5 mars 2013. Uppsatsen beskriver flera aspekter av riksdagsledamöternas twittrande. Vanligaste allmänna språkhandling är ett påstående, ibland följt av en fråga. Både beröm och kritikutdelas men följer då alltid mönstret kritik åt politisk motståndare och beröm åt politisk vän. Sverigedemokraterna uttalar sig oftare med tvärsäkerhet och mer sällan med garderingar än övrigapartier. Inga stora skillnader mellan könen och Alliansen respektive de Rödgröna står att finna. Twittermediet är ofta informellt och snabbt vilket ger upphov till nya språkliga konstruktioner ochibland rena fel.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze the democratic views in the two latest party platforms, belonging to the two Swedish political parties Vänsterpartiet and Sverigedemokraterna. This by applying Robert A. Dahl's democracy model, Polyarchy, and Carol Pateman's democratic Participatory model, on to the party platforms. By doing so, my hopes were to determine if the two political parties can classify themselves as democratic parties. The result shows that both Vänsterpartiet and Sverigedemokraterna meet the majority of the democratic demands created by Robert A. Dahl and Carol Pateman.

The  aim  of  this  study  sought  to  explore  bias  during  the  period  of  the Swedish government  formation of  2018–2019. By  using  a method of  quantitative content analysis the  thesis examines the  frequency  of  favorable and unfavorable  news published by  Swedish  public service  as well  as  measuring  how  the general newscycle were  percieved  in terms of  the  theoretical  framework known as ”framing”.  In order  to assess eventual  prevalance  of  bias,  the  news published during the government  formation  were examined in  relation  to two oppositional  parties; The  green party  and  the Sweden Democrats.  The study  concluded with  no evidence of  systemic  bias  during  the  timeframe, in  contrast  the news consisted  of  a  rather well  balanced  favorability  and disfavorability  towards  both parties with the majority of  news  published being  of  neutral  statue. However  a  clear  majority  of  the published articles  were  deemed to be  framed in  terms of  being  a  ”zero-sumgame”  with ”winners”  and  ”losers”  during  the examined  time-period.