In this theory testing case study the aim is to test which of the two competing theories, defensive and offensive realism, possess the greater explanatory power in regards to the Israeli action against Iran between 2007-2020, while subsequently assessing if either theory is applicable. Two competing analytical models, based around the seminal works of Kenneth Waltz, Stephen Walt, and John J. Mearsheimer, will be applied upon the Israeli actions against the Iranian nuclear program and the Israeli actions against Iran in Syria. The essay utilizes a wide array of sources, from news articles to academic papers, in order to provide a correct description of the events of study. This aim was conceptualized by posing a research question, followed by four competing hypotheses. These will, in conjunction with the analytical models, enable a comparison of the explanatory power the theories possess when applied upon the Israeli conduct against Iran. It is concluded in this paper that defensive realism possesses greater explanatory power when applied upon the Israeli conduct against Iran, compared with offensive realism.

The use of heavy weaponry - such as tanks - in recent and current military conflicts has been overlooked, as were the principles of conventional warfare in general. With relation to armed conflict, attention has been given especially to the questions of conflict prevention and deconfliction. The thesis focuses on the ongoing conventional conflict in Syria, with the emphasis on the tactics of use of heavy armoured vehicles by non-state actors. The thesis takes advantage of volume of accessible primary sources concerning the topic to establish distinct modes of use of heavy weapons - the patterns of deployment, to analyse how the heavy weapons itself and the environment affecting their usage. On the two chosen case studies, these patterns of deployment are operationalised into an independent variable to assess whether the use of heavy armoured vehicles by insurgents in north-western Syria could be causally link with the outcome of military operations.

Oppression of voice has continued for displaced Syrians, beyond the ‘kingdom ofsilence’ under the Assad dictatorship, in the form of dominant media narratives, oftennegative, which fail to represent their lived realities. This case study explored the waysin which storytelling, within the program #MeWeSyria, creates a space for Syrianvoices in southeast Turkey and how this space could be transformative. The researchfocused on the process of storytelling, as a process of voice (Couldry, 2010) rather thanthe stories themselves as media products. Eleven semi-structured interviews wereconducted with members of the #MeWeSyria community, from three different levels:participants, facilitators and staff. Analysis considered the characteristics of the#MeWeSyria space, in relation to providing a space for the process of voice to flourish,in light of Wheeler et al.’s (2018) ‘transformative storywork’, and demonstrated theways in which this space could be transformative on personal, interpersonal and broadercommunity-societal levels. This research suggests that #MeWeSyria creates a space forSyrian voices by operating as a Syrian-led, participatory, community space whichcreates the conditions for the process of voice to flourish. In this space, personal andcollective consciousness and a sense of agency is developed, which are revealed as thestarting point for engagement in action for further change, on interpersonal, communityand societal levels. #MeWeSyria is shown to defend, at its core, voice as value(Couldry, 2010), the right of each person to tell their own story and the principle thatevery voice matters.

This study offers an alternative analysis of the current literature regarding foreign involvement in the Syria civil war. The initials briefly describe the current situation in Syria, international relations and why the conflict is interesting to analyse from a scientific standpoint. The relevant actors and theoretical construction are also introduced. In the previous research chapter, the current research is presented concerning the global superpowers as well as the interventions that have taken place in Syria. In the theory chapter realism and liberalism are presented, and a number of important factors are discussed. In the result, the decisions and events that have taken place during the conflict in Syria is analysed through the lens of previous named theories. The actors studied are the USA and Russia. There are both realistic and liberalist elements in the decisions made by the actors. The final part of the essay discusses the result. The underlying interest of the players largely determines which decision is ultimately taken. Moreover, there are underlying tones of realism even in clearly liberalistic decisions.

By agreeing to The Responsibility to Protect doctrine (R2P) at the United Nations World Summit in 2005, and later adopting a resolution reaffirming the support, the Russian federation accepted a responsibility of the international community to protect populations of other states, if the state itself manifestly fails to protect its own populations. However, Russia has acted in an inconsistent way by exercising its commitment to the R2P principle occasionally. The purpose of this study is to give an answer to the question of why Russia has acted in an inconsistent way to The Responsibility to Protect doctrine. Analyzing the inconsistency puzzle through the realist, liberal and constructivist lens, questioning why Russia has accepted an R2P intervention regarding Libya to halt ongoing mass atrocities, but repeatedly has vetoed against R2P interventions regarding Syria and recently regarding Venezuela, the study concludes that a combination of the three approaches is needed to explain and understand Russia’s inconsistent reaction. Second, it concludes that Russia acted inconsistently because President Medvedev was affected by, and agreeing with, international norms, thereby accepting an R2P into Libya, while President Putin was affected by, and wanted to hold on to the Russian identity. By rejecting R2P interventions in the Syria and Venezuela cases, Putin thereby secured Russian national interests, using a liberal narrative as a pretext for the actions.

This thesis investigates the topic of elected members of the United Nations Security Council by addressing the research question under what conditions is an elected member of the United Nations Security Council likely to influence decisions in maintaining international peace and security? In investigating the explanatory power of the theoretical argument ‘representative legitimacy’, which suggests that elected members making their proposed actions legitimate by anchoring these with the broader UN membership are more likely to face less opposition and thus increase the likelihood for influence, it tests the hypothesis an elected member anchoring its proposed actions with the broader UN membership is more likely to influence the UNSC decisions. The study is conducted through a structured, focused comparison of three elected members, New Zealand 2015-2016, Japan 2016-2017, and Sweden 2017-2018, and their influence in decisions made on the Syrian conflict. Chosen on a most similar case-design with dependent variable variation, and analyzed through resolutions, meeting records and statements, the empirics give partial support for the hypothesis. The results suggest that representative legitimacy can be a condition under which an elected member is likely to influence the Council, however, one case suggests that representative legitimacy is not necessary.

Eine qualitativ vergleichende Studie: Vergleich der gesamten Problematik der Gewalt gegen Frauen in den zwei verschiedenen Kulturen Syrien und Deutschland. Vergleich der Gewalterfahrungen, Formen der Gewalt, Folgen der Gewalt und Maßnahmen von der Gewalt betroffener Frauen in den beiden Gesellschaften.

The aim of this thesis was to find out what role psychological and social factors play in the motivation of jihadist foreign fighters to leave for Syria. The sub-questions examine, on the one hand, how authors of the studies focused on motivation of foreign fighters work with the theoretical background and concepts related to the psychosocial sphere, their interpretation of the key concepts and motivation of foreign fighters and, on the other hand, what psychosocial motivation to leave for Syria prevails in existing studies. In order to answer these questions, I chose several theoretical models of radicalization that work mainly with the psychological and social dimension of the problem.Subsequently, I chose several main psychosocial categories and narratives to analyse the studies, with the possibility of new categories occurring. I was particularly interested in existential motivation such as search for meaning or the identity crisis, in the case of jihadists also connected with the ideology and the influence of social groups. Based on the analysis, I found out that the theoretical basis, the specific definitions of individual key concepts and the logic of the interpretation of the respondents' words in the majority of the studies are missing or not fully described. Without the proper definition...

The main aim of the master thesis titled "Syria and the concept responsibility to assist: new approach towards conflict resolution?" is to find out whether the extension of the doctrine of responsibility to protect by the concept of responsibility to assist that is based on the support of nonviolent movements could work as a new approach towards conflict resolution and thanks to this it could constitute another way of international assistance and civilian protection in cases when it is the regime that perpetrates the violence against its own population. For this reason the thesis, via the Syrian civil war that offers wide range of internal responses to the violence perpetrated by the regime against civilians, focuses on three different forms of international involvement and assistance. These are the international military intervention under the third pillar of R2P, the backing of domestic violent groups and insurgents and last but not least the assistance to nonviolent movements and civil initiatives in the form of R2A as a potential expansion of the second pillar under the R2P doctrine. These approaches are analyzed with regard to the issues of state sovereignty and moral responsibility to protect civilians that arises from the inconsistency of these two aspects in relation to any kind of...

This thesis deals with the phenomenon of Central Asian foreign fighters in Syria, 2011- 2017. It analyzes their radicalization, recruitment, and travel patterns. Special emphasis is placed on tracking the home states' responses, including elements of de-radicalization and counter-radicalization. The thesis has found that there is arguably no single factor explaining the Central Asian fighters' radicalization; nor is there a typical profile of a Central Asian fighter. Available data suggest that radicalization and extremist recruitment most often occur in Russia. Furthermore, the analysis of travel patterns has shown that the majority of Central Asian fighters traveled to Syria either indirectly via multiple countries (again, most often Russia) or directly from their country of origin, and then crossed the border from Turkey. The thesis concludes that all five Central Asian states have adopted policies to address the perceived security threat of returning foreign fighters, whereas the hard, restrictive and punitive approach has been prevalent all across the region.