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The thesis of this paper is that the evolution of the black vote from Republicanism to the Democratic Party was determined by several causes, and these are the subjects of my paper. Following Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and the end of the Civil War, African Americans in the United States joined the Republican Party and by and large voted for Republican candidates, both in the North and South. Following the end of Reconstruction in 1876, the pressures or renewal of social conservatism, Southern localism, and the re-emergence of so-called “Calhoun” politics, along with main spread interference with African-American voting, all combined to establish the beginnings of a transition from Republican Party affiliation to increasing membership in the Democratic Party.

In 2002, John Judis and Ruy Teixeira published The Emerging Democratic Majority, a book that postulated that the United States was in the beginning of a political realignment that would spell the end of the Reagan-era coalition that gave Republicans an electoral advantage on the presidency. The authors claimed an electorate that would favor the Democratic Party would emerge to take its place. Since Senator Barack Obama’s victory in the 2008 presidential election was powered by a coalition that looked much like the one Judis and Teixeira described, it appeared the authors’ thesis was being borne out by actual election results. However, the events of the 2000s and early 2010s have lent both credibility and doubt to this possible realignment, and have drawn attention to the problems of regular realignment theory. Exploring the premise laid out by Judis and Teixeira from their work, The Emerging Democratic Majority, as well as observations about the changing composition of the American electorate, I analyze key groups in the American electorate to determine if these groups are trending more Democratic in presidential and congressional races since the 1988 presidential election. Findings showed several of these groups regularly supported Democratic candidates but did not consistently trend to the Democrats from year to year. Changes across time often depended on match-ups of nonconsecutive years, with Democrats in the year 2008 drawing especially strong support from hypothesized voter groups. While Democrats can count on the support of groups such as voters who achieve high levels of college education or voters with secular outlooks on life, their success still depends highly on candidate quality and advantage on issues and cannot be taken for granted.

A tese aqui exposta dedica-se ao estudo e à maior compreensão da política norte-americana. Mais especificamente, dedica-se ao estudo da suposta polarização partidária e ascensão conservadora Republicana no período recente. Tratados como fato pela literatura especializada, o estudo aqui feito trata esses dois fenômenos como hipóteses a serem testadas. Desse modo, por meio de uma maior apreensão do que se entende por ideologias políticas como Conservadorismo e Liberalismo no contexto dos Estados Unidos, bem como de uma metodologia que privilegia o uso de plataformas nacionais como indicativo de retrato ideológico partidário; esse estudo busca evidenciar empiricamente aproximações e/ou distanciamentos entre os partidos políticos e, consequentemente, a ascensão ou o declínio de ideologias tal como o Conservadorismo no que tange ao Partido Rebublicano. Através de indicadores de gradação, rede e frequência de palavras a partir das plataformas nacionais de ambos os partidos políticos (Democrata e Republicano) no período entre 1936 a 2012; se busca evidenciar de modo mais empírico esses dois fenômenos. Os resultados nos indicam que, de fato, há uma polarização partidária no período recente; no entanto, essa não é única na história desse país. Da mesma forma, percebe-se que há uma ascensão conservadora por parte do Partido Republicano, sobretudo no que diz respeito a certas categorias de análise tal como as questões sociais. / The work exposed here is dedicated to the study and to a greater understanding of the North-American politics. More specifically, intends to study the suposedly recent party polarization and Republican conservative ascendancy. Treated as a fact by the specialized literature, the study here done treats these two phenomena as hypothesis to be tested. As such, through a greater understanding of ideologies such as Conservatism and Liberalism in the context of the United States, as well as a methodology that favors the use of national platforms as an indicative of party ideological portrait; this work seeks to empirically evidence points of similiarities and differences between the political parties and, as a consequence, the ascent or decline of ideologies such as Conservatism in reference to the Republican Party. Through indicators of gradation, wordtree and word frequency from the national platforms of the two political parties (Democratic and Republican) between 1936 and 2012; this work seeks to evidence in a more empirical way these two phenomena. The results show us that, indeed, there is a party polarization in the recent period; nevertheless, this is not the only one in the history of this country. In the same way, it can be perceived that there is a conservative ascendancy by the Republican Party, especially when dealing with some categories of analysis such as social policies.

<p>The aim of this paper is to study and outline the factors governing political leadership at the party leader level, and to conclude to what extent a party leader rules and to what extent the party leadership is contextually determined. The theories used are based on Elgie's interactionistic study of political leadership and Stewart's organisational model of leadership as well as political culture.</p><p>Thus, the questions raised are if the leader leads or if the leader follows; if the leadership environment is formed by the leader or if it is, merely, implemented on the leader; and what a model of the political leadership consist of? To answer these questions a text analysis comparing Sahlin’s speeches to the party’s political programme is used as well as in-depth interviews with members of the Board of Party.</p><p>The conclusion shows that the leadership is contextually framed, but the leader is free to implement his or her ambitions within that frame as long as it is coherent to the party line.</p>

AbstractTitle: Political Bias in Entertainment (Politisk partiskhet i underhållning)Number of pages: 38Author: Andreas GawellTutor: Göran SvenssonCourse: Media and Communication Studies CPeriod: Fall 2009University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science,Uppsala University.Purpose/Aim: The purpose of this research paper was to investigate political bias in TheDaily Show before the presidential election 2008.Material/Method: With a quantitative content analyze based on variables connected withtheory from investigating bias in news, I am looking at 19 episodes of The Daily Showstarting one month before the presidential election 2008.Main results: The results of this research indicated a liberal bias in The Daily Show favoringthe Democratic Party. Both parties was made fun of and joked about, but the Republican Partyand its candidates was a lot more frequently laughed at then its Democratic equivalent. Alsolooking at the issues that came up in the show you can see Republicans getting to talk aboutissues not on their own agenda more frequently than Democrats.Keywords: The Daily Show, political bias, presidential election 2008, Republican Party,Democratic Party

During the 90’s, several reforms took place in order to change the educational system. The reforms intended to increase the freedom of choice and to facilitate the start-up process for driving independent schools. A broad alliance of political parties from left to right supported these reforms. Twenty years later, the independent schools constitute a substantial part of schools in Sweden. However, recently there has been a debate about the expanding number of independent schools and whether these schools should be allowed to make profits or not.   In an official statement in the autumn of 2012 the Social Democratic Party announced their new policy declaring that independent schools and freedom of choice are important parts of the educational system. To prevent independent schools from making big profits, the Social Democratic Party launched ideas such as stringent quality requirements. This enquiry analyses the motions written by members of the parliament representing the Social Democratic Party in order to distinguish the pursued policy regarding independent school during the period 2006 - 2012. In this study, I draw the conclusion that members of the parliament representing the Social Democratic Party pursued different policies in the question regarding independent schools. It turned out there was a dividing line between those who pursued traditional working class politics and those who pursued a liberal middle class politics. The former were more eager to criticise the expansion of the independent schools than the latter. Making profit in publicly funded independent schools was something that most members of the Social Democratic Party disliked, but none of them raised their voices for a prohibition.

The Democratic Party which was established in 1970, splitting from the Justice Party will be analyzed within this thesis in terms of its ideological components. In this sense, centre right wing and conservative political parties are taken into account to understand the ideology of the party. The period of the Democratic Party is so sufficient to compare and contrast the ideologies of different parties. The Democratic Party is also critical as the party did not participate into any governments, different from the all parties at that period. So, it will show a centre right wing party&rsquo / s reactions in the absence of patronage routes which is a difference from other members of the centre right wing tradition of the DP and the JP. The absence of the concrete ideological explanations, doctrines which can be observed as an handicap of the centre right wing will be analyzed whether the Democratic Party can overcome or not.