Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-10-03Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:47:55Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 amaral_r_dr_assis.pdf: 3627504 bytes, checksum: 7eccdb76434f138ccbbabe85ff2f0a92 (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A Vita Sancti Fructuosi, hagiografia visigótica escrita nos últimos decênios do VII século, devera, em detrimento de seu valor essencialmente biográfico, constituir-se sobretudo em um texto cuja razão e função proeminentes estaria em propagandear e exaltar um estilo de vida religiosa tido por ideal: a vida monástica sob seu gênero anacorético. Este gênero monástico seria identificado ainda com aquele próprio do Oriente, pois frente a uma época em que a Igreja visigoda reprimia as manifestações religiosas surgidas e praticadas a sua margem, extinguindo-as ou submetendo-as, e aqui encontraríamos claramente a vida anacorética, poderia esta, na medida em que seria apresentada como uma experiência “atualizada” da vida ascética e solitária daquele reconhecido e louvável modelo oriental, constituir-se em uma justificação lícita para sua aceitação e propagandeamento na Hispânia visigoda... / The Vita Sancti Fructuosi, although the visighotic hagiography written in the late decades of the VII century, in detriment of its biographic value, it is a text that was written to advertise and to emphasize a religious lifestyle which was considered the ideal: the ascetic monastic life. This kind of monastic life would be identified with that of the orient, because in a time when the visighotic church used to stop any religious demonstration that was different from their doctrines, extinguishing or undergoing them to their beliefs , and here we would find clearly the ascetic life, it would be able to survive as it was presented as an up-to-date of an ascetic and solitary life that was recognized as legal, therefore it would be accepted and used as propaganda in the Visighotic Hispania... (Complete abstract, click electronic access below)

Nous avons choisi d’étudier un corpus constitué de diverses relations de pèlerinage à Jérusalem entre les XIème-XIIème siècles. L’objectif est de déterminer le statut de ces pèlerins, les moyens de locomotion utilisés, l’itinéraire suivi et les conditions de ces voyages au Proche-Orient. Nos réflexions portent sur l’aspect économique (le coût d’un tel voyage, les tarifs pratiqués), les données géographiques (les lieux parcourus) et historiques (les guerres, les accords et les tensions entre nations), la dimension temporelle (la durée du périple) et les relations humaines. Ceci afin de distinguer la dimension proprement cartographique (quels lieux sont fréquentés, quelles routes peuvent être représentées sur une carte) et la dimension anthropologique, en d’autres termes, le vécu de la route et l’accès au lieu désiré avec ses rencontres et ses difficultés. / We have chosen to study the accounts of pilgrimages to the Holy Land in the Middle Ages (XIth-XIIIth). Our aim is to determine from a specific corpus the status of these pilgrims, the means of transport they used, their route and the travelling conditions to the Middle East. We have compared these documents according to several lines of thought such as the economic aspect (the cost of such a journey, tariffs), geographic data (the places they went to) and historical data (wars, agreements and tensions between nations), the temporal dimension (the length of the journey), and human relationships. This in order to distinguish the cartographic dimension (what sites are visited, what routes can be mapped out) and the anthropological dimension: in other words the pilgrims’ actual experience of the journey and how they managed to reach the place they longed through encounters and difficulties.

Cette étude a comme finalité l’analyse ponctuelle des caractéristiques de la société et des institutions de la ville de Pistoia et de leur évolution dans la période qui va approximativement de la fin du XIIe jusqu’à la moitié du XIIIe siècle. Pistoia, ville considérée comme « mineure » à l’intérieur de la Toscane des « métropoles », possède en effet des caractéristiques propres d’une réalité en rien mineure. A l’intérieur de la première partie, on présentera d’une manière synthétique le tableau général du peuplement, de la disposition territoriale et des structures économiques de la ville et à une plus petite échelle du territoire.Dans la deuxième partie on dessinera la réalité d’une société urbaine de la fin du XIIe siècle dans laquelle les représentants des familles d’origine « seigneurial » occupent, d’une façon manifeste, les charges au sommet des institutions. Vers la fin du XIIe siècle quelques transformations modifient la situation sur le plan social et institutionnel. On assiste en fait à Pistoia comme dans d’autres villes, au développement d’un mouvement soit-disant du « Peuple » qui recueille les aspirations d’une grande partie des familles de la ville qui étaient, jusqu’à alors, exclues du pouvoir.Dans un contexte pareil vient se greffer, aussi à Pistoia, le conflit qui oppose les partisans et les adversaires de Frédéric II, rassemblés respectivement sous les drapeaux gibelin ou guelfe. C’est à partir des années 60 qu'un autre conflit va provoquer des blessures irrémédiables au tissu social, et non seulement, de la ville. / The research deals with a careful examination of social, institutional and political characteristics of the city of Pistoia approximately between the end of the XIIth and the mid-XIIIth century. Pistoia is usually considered a less important city than the others in the Tuscan region. The analysis underlines that it isn’t so. In order to explaine these facts, the first chapter briefly describes the general situation of the city’s peopling, territorial structure and economical activities.The analysis leads to an imagine of the civic society at the end of the XIIth century in which the seigneurial families’ members hold the majority of the Comune’s offices. Their relationship with the city is crucial for the institutional developement. By the beginning of the XIIIth century some social and institutional changes alter the situation. Pistoia’s civic society shows a different structure, in which merchant families have more political influence.In this environment the conflict between emperor Frederick the IInd’s supporters and opponents increases, but in a less harsh way than in Florence.

En mi deseo por mostrar una nueva perspectiva tanto en Cárcel de Amor como en La Celestina, encontré un artículo que encierra muchas de mis ideas sobre estas dos obras medievales: “El Ojo de la Mente”, escrito por Michael Rifaterre. Para Rifaterre lo que realmente importa en la intertextualidad de los ibros medievales es el hecho de que se busca un texto homólogo, se hacen asociaciones a textos ya conocidos, se apela a los archivos mentales tanto del lector como del escritor. En otras palabras, la memoria es el estilo que sirve para presentar el contenido. Esto para mí es una perspetiva fascinante que me hizo ver muchas obras desde puntos de vista diferentes. Si la memoria es un determinante de estilo y un elemento influyente en el contenido, la memoria define en gran parte tanto el estilo como el contenido. Empecé por considerar a La Celestina a partir de esta premisa y me pareció más abstracta que nunca. Pensé como Gilman en su libro Arte y Estrutura, que la obra es un continuum de la conciencia, es conciencia hablada. Reduje los personajes a imágenes a movimientos de pantomima como hizo Dorothy Clarke en su libro, Decalogue and Deadly Sins in La Celestina. Concluí como Lida de Malkiel que la obra da suficiente tiep para que se comunique una noción de realidad y de verosimilitud psicológica, no para el desarrollo emocional de los personajes como piensa Malkiel, sino un tiempo suficiente para afianzar un concepto en la memoria. Visto desde un ángulo menos abstracto, el hecho de que a memoria es determinante de estilo y contenido acercó en mi opinión a La Celestina más al género de la novela. Me hizo considerar aspectos como el narrador fidedigno y la narración confiable o no confiable en una obra que según algunos, no tiene narrador. En Cárcel de Amor encontré el primer juicio por jurado de las obras medievales que he leído. En esta obra vi una clara separación, casi simétrica entre lo que es real y lo que es abstracto. Pasamos de lo abstracto a lo concreto para recordar algo. Tenemos una prisión alegórica y una real, un duelo alegórico y uno real, las armas del alma pecadora y las armas que matan al hombre, el rey que es Dios y un rey que está en una corte real, el juicio final que propone la teología cristiana y un juicio por jurado en el que la memoria juega un papel muy importante. La memoria prevalece por sí sola en estas obras. Llega a ser un elemento de narración, y un marcador de identidad. En el aspecto religioso, cumple una función moral. En el aspecto humano da nuevas dimensiones a los personajes. En el aspecto literario es un fuerte marcador de estilo y contenido que abre nuevas puertas a la interpretación de estas obras.

This study examines and explains the politically, ecclesiastically and socially motivated perceptions of Joan of Arc by the French and the British focusing on late medieval and early Renaissance depictions. Joan was tried by the British in France. Even so, she had a text-book British heresy trial according to the precedent set during John Badby's trial in 1401. Equally importantly, close examination of fifteenth century French texts shows French ambivalence towards, diminution of and, in some cases, complete rejection of Joan and her role in French history. Indeed, the British perceptions about the Maid are the only perspectives on Joan that remained constant through the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Our modern perceptions of Joan of Arc seem fairly stable. Yet what became evident during the research for this project is that this stability is a recent development we have simply inherited Napoleon's view of the Maid of Orléans. Throughout the Middle Ages and Renaissance, the British characterized Joan of Arc as a witch and a great threat to their political well-being. British ideas about Joan of Arc, however negative and contrary they may seem to our modern ideas about her, are the only ideas that remained constant during the Middle Ages and the Renaissance.

The Erklaerung des Vaterunsers is a 337 page meditation and commentary on the Lord's Prayer composed by the fifteenth century German mystic, Magdalena Beutler of Freiburg. This study comprises biographical and critical essays concerning Magdalena and her works, together with a critical edition of the Erklaerung with textual apparatus. Its purpose is to reintroduce Magdalena and her hitherto inaccessible devotional works into late medieval religious and literary scholarship. Previous studies of Magdalena have dismissed her as a deluded, self-dramatizing hysteric and failed to mention either the Erklaerung or her most popular work, the Goldene Litanei, a meditation on the Passion that was widely anthologized from her own time through the early seventeenth century. This dissertation attempts to show that, despite the occasional criticism of contemporaries, Magdalena's actions lay well within a tradition of Franciscan mysticism which centered on the imitation of the life of Christ; that the special emphases of her devotion were characteristic of a strain of female piety that had begun to be voiced as early as the twelfth century; and that her peculiarly literal and physical approach to the imitatio Christi was at the same time orthodox and innovative; and that the Erklaerung represents Magdalena's efforts to share her practices and concerns with her community.

Review of Merchant Writers: Florentine Memoirs from the Middle Ages and Renaissance by Vittore Branca

Why is it so often a gap between science and general opinion? And how authentic is the monuments when they has been moved or damaged. This paper deals with the question of how the archaeological science interpret things and places from prehistoric times, and how it is presented for a general public. Under what circumstances is there a gap between archaeological science and general opinion and why?

The crania from a mass grave associated to the Battle of Good Friday (1520) in Uppsala were re-examined in this study. The total skeletal material has been analysed before, but blunt force trauma was excluded and therefore a comprehensive trauma pattern could not be presented. In the current study, the perimortem cranial weapon-related trauma was examined by reconstructing the crania and conducting a trauma analysis. Standardised methods were used to identify and document blunt, sharp and puncture trauma. The results reveal that new blunt and sharp force trauma as well as one puncture trauma could be identified. Furthermore, the majority of weapon-related trauma were identified as sharp injuries, less than ten percent as blunt injuries and a few as puncture injuries. The cranial trauma pattern is interpreted to reflect the battle tactics, the situations in the battle, as well as the armour and weapons used by the soldiers. The notion of sharp force injuries forming the majority of trauma could imply that bladed weapons were used the most and blunt weapons were used less or caused less injuries visible on bone. The dominance of cranial trauma might indicate that head was a primary target. The trauma pattern implies that blunt weapons were used at least in face-to-face combat and bladed weapons were used in a variety of situations from face-to-face fight to more chaotic situations and against fleeing soldiers. Most of the new documented injuries were observable or easier to observe during or after the cranial reconstruction, indicating that reconstructing the crania is important for observing and identifying the maximal number of injuries possible. / Kranier från en massgrav kopplad till Långfredagsslaget 1520 i Uppsala har analyserats. Hela skelettmaterialet har undersökts tidigare, men trubbig våld fick uteslutas och en komplett bild av traumamönster har tidigare inte presenterats. I denna studie undersöktes spår efter perimortalt vapenrelaterad våld via rekonstruktioner av kranierna och efterföljande trauma-analyser. Standardiserade metoder användes för att identifiera och dokumentera spår av skarpt, trubbig och penetrerande våld. Resultaten visar att nya spår av trubbiga och skarpa skador samt en penetrationsskada kunde identifieras. Vidare framkom att majoriteten av vapenrelaterade skador var skarpa, mindre än en tiondedel var trubbiga och få var penetrerande. Skademönstren hos kranierna tolkas reflektera stridstekniker och situationen i slaget, samt möjlig utrustning och vapen som användes i slaget. Att majoriteten av skador är skarpa kan tyda på att blankvapen var de mest använda och att krossvapen användes mindre, eller orsakade färre skador som syns på ben. Det stora antalet kraniala skador tyder på att huvud var ett primärt mål för huggen. Skademönstren indikerar att krossvapen användes åtminstone i närstrid och att blankvapen användes i varierande situationer från närstrid till mer kaotiska stridsituationer och motflyende män. De flesta av nya vapenrelaterade skador kunde observeras eller blev lättare att observeras under eller efter rekonstruktionen av kranier. Detta tyder på att rekonstruera kranier är viktigt för att identifiera det mesta möjliga antal skador.

This diploma thesis aims to approach the royal town Litoměřice in the medieval form, then agglomeration structure and sacral architecture of this town. Litoměřice excels especially in terms of the richness of their heritage fund and by this thesis I would like to commemorate especially disappeared monuments, churches, which were located here. I would like to contain my thesis like a monography of early medieval town Litoměřice with an enumeration of churches, fortification, castle and medieval houses.