O objetivo principal foi verificar a existência de grandes e pequenos empreendedores capitalistas privados na produção da habitação para o trabalhador no período na cidade de São Paulo, entre 1942 e 1964. O problema habitacional é antigo, e em muito se deve ao fato de que o trabalhador não tenha sido integrado plenamente à sociedade. Os mercados formal e informal do trabalho caminharam em paralelo, o mesmo ocorrendo com o mercado formal e informal da habitação. Os principais aspectos conjunturais detectados no período são: a Segunda Guerra Mundial; o debate nacional sobre o tema do desenvolvimento; a dívida externa; a inflação (que afetou fortemente o padrão de consumo do trabalhador, sua capacidade de poupança e, ao mesmo tempo, todo o complexo da indústria da construção); a industrialização e as migrações internas. Na cidade de São Paulo, verificaram-se os fenômenos de verticalização do centro e horizontalização de suas periferias, juntamente com a metropolização. Como metodologia empregada, recorreu-se à bibliografia especializada, e como fontes primárias, optou-se por percorrer as coleções de revistas econômicas e anúncios de jornais. Após 1942, a iniciativa privada, retraiu-se temporariamente do mercado de locação, contudo, não abandonou as opções de investimento habitacionais anteriores, como os cortiços e as vilas operárias. Atuou principalmente em quatro frentes de investimento voltadas para o trabalhador: venda de casas térreas e sobrados; kitchnettes; edifícios em condomínios; e loteamentos periféricos. / The aim of this research was to verify the existence of big and small private capitalist entrepreneurs in the housing production for workers in São Paulo, between 1942 and 1964. The housing problem is old and it is due very much to the fact that the worker never was fully integrated to Brazilian society. The formal and informal labor market developed simultaneously as the same way it occured with the formal and informal housing market. The major historic features in the period were: the Second World War, the debates about the topic of development, external debt, inflation (that affected strongly the consumption pattern of the workers, their capacity to save money, and at the same time the whole building industry complex), the industrialization, and the internal migration. In the city of São Paulo, there was the phenomena of verticalization downtown and horizontalization at the peripheries, along the metropolization process. Specialized bibliography was studied, and as primary sources, we have consulted the collections of economy periodicals and the real state advertisement in the newspapers. After 1942, the private enterprise stopped to invest in the rental market for a short time, however, it did not abandon the prior housing options of investments before, as shantytowns or cortiços and workers´ villages. The private enterprise has acted mainly in four fields of investment with the focus on the workers housing: sale of one or two storey houses; kitchnettes; condominium buildings, and periphery lots.

Josep Puig Pujades (1883-1949) fou el principal renovador del republicanisme empordanès que entroncà la vella tradició federal amb el catalanisme progressista del primer terç del segle XX. La seva àmplia producció periodística i literària permeten constatar l’important paper ideològic que va desenvolupar com a intel•lectual en l’objectiu de crear un projecte cívicocultural com a eina transformadora de la societat a través del foment de l’educació i la cultura. Els càrrecs de govern que assumí durant la Segona República i les responsabilitats en l’òrgan directori d’Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya contribuïren a forjar-lo com una de les figures més rellevants del catalanisme republicà anterior a la guerra civil. / Josep Puig Pujades (1883-1949) was key to the revival of Republicanism. This movement was a direct inheritor of the long federalist tradition in Empordà combined with Progressive Catalanism seen in the first part of the twentieth century. His extensive journalistic and literary writings show the important ideological role he played as an intellectual in the creation of a civic-cultural project as a means of transforming society through the promotion of education and culture. The government positions he held during the Second Republic and responsibilities on the board of Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya helped to consolidate him as one of the leading figures of Catalanist Republicanism before the Spanish Civil War.

O objetivo principal foi verificar a existência de grandes e pequenos empreendedores capitalistas privados na produção da habitação para o trabalhador no período na cidade de São Paulo, entre 1942 e 1964. O problema habitacional é antigo, e em muito se deve ao fato de que o trabalhador não tenha sido integrado plenamente à sociedade. Os mercados formal e informal do trabalho caminharam em paralelo, o mesmo ocorrendo com o mercado formal e informal da habitação. Os principais aspectos conjunturais detectados no período são: a Segunda Guerra Mundial; o debate nacional sobre o tema do desenvolvimento; a dívida externa; a inflação (que afetou fortemente o padrão de consumo do trabalhador, sua capacidade de poupança e, ao mesmo tempo, todo o complexo da indústria da construção); a industrialização e as migrações internas. Na cidade de São Paulo, verificaram-se os fenômenos de verticalização do centro e horizontalização de suas periferias, juntamente com a metropolização. Como metodologia empregada, recorreu-se à bibliografia especializada, e como fontes primárias, optou-se por percorrer as coleções de revistas econômicas e anúncios de jornais. Após 1942, a iniciativa privada, retraiu-se temporariamente do mercado de locação, contudo, não abandonou as opções de investimento habitacionais anteriores, como os cortiços e as vilas operárias. Atuou principalmente em quatro frentes de investimento voltadas para o trabalhador: venda de casas térreas e sobrados; kitchnettes; edifícios em condomínios; e loteamentos periféricos. / The aim of this research was to verify the existence of big and small private capitalist entrepreneurs in the housing production for workers in São Paulo, between 1942 and 1964. The housing problem is old and it is due very much to the fact that the worker never was fully integrated to Brazilian society. The formal and informal labor market developed simultaneously as the same way it occured with the formal and informal housing market. The major historic features in the period were: the Second World War, the debates about the topic of development, external debt, inflation (that affected strongly the consumption pattern of the workers, their capacity to save money, and at the same time the whole building industry complex), the industrialization, and the internal migration. In the city of São Paulo, there was the phenomena of verticalization downtown and horizontalization at the peripheries, along the metropolization process. Specialized bibliography was studied, and as primary sources, we have consulted the collections of economy periodicals and the real state advertisement in the newspapers. After 1942, the private enterprise stopped to invest in the rental market for a short time, however, it did not abandon the prior housing options of investments before, as shantytowns or cortiços and workers´ villages. The private enterprise has acted mainly in four fields of investment with the focus on the workers housing: sale of one or two storey houses; kitchnettes; condominium buildings, and periphery lots.

Juliette Drouet ne fut pas seulement la maîtresse de Victor Hugo durant cinquante ans. Elle fut aussi une inlassable et prodigue épistolière qui laisse à la postérité environ vingt-Deux mille lettres écrites quotidiennement à celui qu’elle appelle son « grand petit homme ». D’une incroyable importance numérique, ces lettres sont aujourd’hui au cœur d’un vaste projet, qui a pour but de les éditer intégralement. Inscrite dans ce projet, la présente thèse propose la lecture continue des lettres écrites par Juliette Drouet à Victor Hugo sous la Seconde République – du 1er janvier 1848 au 30 novembre 1851 –, transcrites et annotées. Écrites durant une période clef de l’Histoire de France et de la vie de Victor Hugo, ces lettres présentent un intérêt à la fois historique et biographique. Rédigées quotidiennement, elles sont aussi pour le tiers lecteur un témoignage inédit sur les conditions de la femme entretenue, sur la vie théâtrale à Paris, et sur l’hygiène et la médecine sous la Seconde République. D’une grande porosité générique entre lettre, journal et conversation, elles offrent un intérêt littéraire particulier. L’étude critique de ces lettres, qui précède le corpus édité, permet de révéler le triple intérêt biographique, historique, et littéraire de ce travail. Complétée de tous les outils que requiert la compréhension de ce corpus, cette thèse met aussi à disposition les notices biographiques des personnes citées par Juliette Drouet ainsi qu’un glossaire des mots et expressions employées par cette dernière. / Juliette Drouet was not only Victor Hugo’s mistress for fifty years. She was also an indefatigable and generous letter writer who leaves for posterity about twenty two thousand letters written daily to Victor Hugo. This important amount of letters are today in the heart of a vast project, which aims to edit them entirely. Placing itself in this project, the present thesis proposes the continuous reading of the letters by Juliette Drouet to Victor Hugo under the Second Republic – from January 1st, 1848 until November 30th, 1851 –, transcribed and annotated. Written during a key period of the History of France and Victor Hugo's life, these letters present at the same time an historical and biographical interest. Drafted daily, they are also for the third reader a new record on the supported woman’s conditions, on the theatrical life in Paris, and on the hygiene and the medicine under the Second Republic. Letters offer a particular literary interest by their important generic porosity between letter, diary and conversation. These letters come along with a critical analysis, which allows highlighting the triple biographical, historical and literary interest of this corpus. Completed by all the tools which requires the understanding of these letters, this thesis provides the biographic summary of the persons quoted by Juliette Drouet as well as a glossary of the words and the expressions used by this last one.

The aim of the doctoral thesis is an analysis of the ideas and political activities of Jan Scheinost (1896-1964), a journalist and skilful backstage policymaker who was also known as an ideologist of Czech fascism. The thesis presents and analyses primarily those texts and activities of this controversial personality which were somehow unique, typical or atypical for the Czechoslovak political and intellectual scene of the First and Second Republic, i.e. from the 1920s to the period of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The influential Catholic journalist Scheinost is often connected not only with conservative traditional Catholicism but also with Fascism in academic literature. However, the thesis tries to prove that throughout his career, Jan Scheinost was always mainly looking for the most suitable movement or political party for putting into practice his aggressive Catholic ideas. At the same time the thesis also follows the historical, cultural and media context in which has Scheinost, as the editor in chief of the daily Lidové listy, acted. Scheinost, as a convinced nationalist and Catholic, joined the Czechoslovak People's Party at the beginning of the 1920s, but this party was not conservative enough for him, and he also felt that it made too many compromises. That is why he...

In the period of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia between years 1939 - 1945 media, as well as the whole society, were controlled by the government of Nazi Germany. The control also included censorship of the press that operated for the benefit of the occupying power. Its essential component, Central Press Supervisory Service, had to approve every issue before it released to the press. But it also published daily instructions for the newsrooms, where two censors operated together with working journalists and their editors in chief. Our work uses four case studies to show how censor's directives influenced the final form of the selected newspapers.

The diploma thesis deals with Czech political system in the second Czechoslovak Republic (1938 - 1939). In this historically short period, liberal democracy has changed into an authoritative democracy. The power of the right-wing parties prevailed in the political system. In the case of Czech countries a bi-party political system, which is unique in Czech history, has been created. The main aim of the diploma thesis is to describe the political party system in the Czech lands in the Second Republic period, and to look at the political parties that formed it. It also deals with the Second Republic in general, with the historical, economic, cultural and social context of that time. In the final part, there are summarized all the conclusions I came to. The sources were mainly archive sources, specialized literature dealing with the subject and political party periodicals but even non-political periodicals from that time. KEYWORDS Antonín Hampl, authoritarian democracy, Czech - Slovak Republic, Second Republic, Bi-party political system, Munich agreement, Nazi Germany, National Labour Party, Rudolf Beran, National Union Party

Cette thèse aborde la question du rapport entre les conjonctures socio-politiques de l'Espagne de la première moitié du XXe siècle et le traitement ou la considération du ''fait sportif'' en Catalogne. Dans cette étude, le quotidien barcelonais El Mundo Deportivo (1906- à nos jours), constitue une source de recherche intéressante dans l'interprétation de la trajectoire de la pratique et de l'information sportive catalane, et sa relation avec le monde politique, de la Seconde République au franquisme, en passant par la Guerre civile. Ainsi, la période républicaine est marquée par un certain détachement du pouvoir politique vis-à-vis du fait sportif. Quant au régime totalitaire du Généralissime Francisco Franco, il suppose une mise sous tutelle de la presse et une centralisation de la direction de la vie sportive espagnole au début des années quarante. Cette analyse établit, notamment une corrélation entre le statut social de la femme espagnole, sa présence réelle dans la vie sportive, et le régime politique en vigueur dans le pays / This thesis is about the relation between the Spanish socio-political conjunctures in the first half of the twentieth century and the dealing with or the consideration of the "sporting fact" in Catalonia. In this study the barcelonan daily paper El Mundo Deportivo (1960 - till today), is an interesting source of research about interpreting the practice trajectory and the catalan sporting information, and its relation with the political world during the Second Republic to the francoism, through the civil war. Thus, the republican period is marked by a certain political power detachment from the sporting fact. As for the Generalissimo Francisco Franco totalitarian regime, it supposes the press to be under supervision and a centralization of the Spanish sporting activities management in the beginning of the 1940s. This analysis shows particularly a correlation between the social status of the Spanish woman, her real presence in sporting life, and the country political regime in force

Cette thèse analyse comment la Dictature de Primo de Rivera (1923-1930) a créé un projet de formation professionnel technique-industriel qui a servi à moderniser l’économie du pays, au service d’une conception corporativede l’Etat. Pour la première fois, au travers les Décrets Royaux du Statut d’Enseignement Industriel de 1924 et du Statut de Formation Professionnelle de 1928, le nouveau gouvernement réalisé centralisait tous les canaux de formation industriel du jeune ouvrier et de la classe moyenne au moyen de la création des écoles élémentaires et supérieures du travail. L'État prétendait atteindre deux buts : la modernisation économique du pays et le maintien de la structure sociopolitique traditionnelle au moyen d’un discours et d’une organisation corporative. Au mème temps, cette thèse analyse comme avec l’arrivée de la Seconde République (1931-1936), le projet de Primo de Rivera de l’instruction technique de l’ouvrier n’a pas se développer comme le Statut de Formation Professionnelle l’avait prévu en 1928, car principalement son objectif était de favoriser l’alphabétisation du pays à l’intérieur des valeurs démocratiques et libérales / The present thesis analyzes how the Dictatorship of Primo of Rivera (1923-1930) created a project of industrial vocational training who was serving to modernize the economy of the country, to the service of a corporate conception of the State. For the first time, across the Statute of Industrial Education of 1924 and of the Statute of Vocational Training of 1928 the new government was centralizing all the channels of industrial formation of the working young person and of the middle class across the creation of the elementary and high industrial schools. The aims were: economic modernization of the country and to support the socio-political traditional structure by means of a speech and a corporate organization.At the same time, this thesis analyzes like with the arrival of the Second Republic (1931-1936), the corporate and economic sense of the industrial vocational training of the worker was relegated to a background. As what mainly was claimed it was to favor the literacy of the country inside the democratic and liberal values, the project of the dictatorship of the technical instruction of the worker could not be developped as the Statute of Vocational training had raised in 1928 / La presente tesis analiza como la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera (1923-1930) creó un proyecto de formación profesional técnico-industrial que servía para modernizar la economía del país, al servicio de una concepción corporativa del Estado. Por primera vez, a través del Estatuto de Enseñanza Industrial de 1924 y del Estatuto de Formación Profesional de 1928 el nuevo gobierno centralizaba todos los canales de formación industrial del joven obrero y de la clase media a través de la creación de las escuelas elementales y superiores de trabajo. El objetivo era alcanzar dos fines: la modernización económica del país y mantener la estructura socio-política tradicional mediante un discurso y una organización corporativa. Al mismo tiempo, estudia como con la llegada de la Segunda República (1931-1936), el proyecto corporativo de la instrucción técnica del obrero no se pudo desarrollar tal como lo había planteado el Estatuto de Formación Profesional en 1928, ya que lo que mayormente se pretendía era favorecer la alfabetización del país dentro de los valores democráticos y liberales.

Le premier chapitre résume et anticipe une grande partie des thèmes de la recherche. Le §.1 et le 2 montrent la surprise et l’égarement de certains autorisés intellectuels libéraux démocratiques face à la victoire de Berlusconi en 1994, qui, avec les transformations de la loi électorale en 1993, marquerait, selon l’opinion courante, le passage à la « deuxième République ». Ma recherche suggère plutôt que 1994 a été le retour à une culture antipolitique longtemps refoulée, que Berlusconi a bien su interpréter et représenter, tant dans ses télévisions que dans sa propagande politique directe. En revanche à mon avis c’est la défaite des référendums de 1995 pour l’abrogation du duopole télévisuel et pour la limitation de la publicité (§.3) qui montre des indices bien plus forts de son hégémonie en tant que personnage public et « commanager » (« communication manager » - P. Musso), mais les politiciens traditionnels ont de graves responsabilités en ce qui concerne les origines du duopole et le développement de son hégémonie télévisuelle (§.4). Dans le §.5,6 et 8 j’expose les deux clefs d’interprétation de l’histoire de la néo-télévision qui guideront ma recherche surtout dans les ch. 5, 6 et 7 : l’ « effet Meyrowitz » et l’ « l’effet Chomsky » (les guillemets sont nécessaires car je ne prétends pas qu’il s’agisse de théories pouvant être universalisées et formalisées, mais seulement de critères pour l’organisation et l’interprétation des données historiques). La première suggère la possibilité que la néo-télévision en Italie ait stimulé la perte progressive de l’aura, du prestige et de l’autorité des parents, des politiciens et en général des adultes. La théorie de Meyrowitz, inspirée à la sociologie dramaturgique de Goffman, visait à expliquer l’époque des mouvements de la contestation en Amérique par le biais de la diffusion de la télévision parmi les familles américaines (50% environ d’entre elles avaient un poste en 1954). Mais le recours à la paléotélévision ne peut pas donner de contributions importantes à la compréhension de ces mêmes mouvements en Italie : elle y était moins répandue, avait beaucoup moins d’heures d’émission, avait une seule chaîne au début et au maximum deux, etc ; et de toute façon beaucoup d’autres stimulations (la contagion étrangère, p.ex) se sont manifestées. La néotélévision en revanche a constitué un changement rapide qui a concerné tous les aspects (heures d’émission, nombre de chaînes,etc), donc ont peut s’attendre à une ultérieure perte de prestige des adultes, mais dans une forme différente par rapport à la contestation. L’ « effet Chomsky » peut intégrer l’ « effet Meyrowitz ». Selon Chomsky, les médias qui vivent de publicité doivent « produire » (je dirais : attirer, sélectionner, former) leur public, qu’ils devront « vendre aux annonceurs ». Les grilles de la néo-télévision seront donc au service des exigences des ces derniers. Il ne s’agit certes pas d’une idée nouvelle, ni d’une idée de Chomsky seulement, qui l’emploie de façon apodictique dans sa polémique contre les media mainstream : elle est partagée entre autres par A. Pilati avec une intention décidemment apologétique (cf. §.8). Naturellement cet « effet » est encore moins déterminable de manière scientifique, car la formation concerne notamment en tant que telle la longue période, est le résultat de trop de facteurs croisés et ses conséquences sont difficilement prévisibles, sinon carrément imprévisibles. Néanmoins les attitudes des italiens envers la publicité et les marques ont changé depuis de façon si radicale (cf sondages Eurisko) que l’on ne peut que les mettre en relation avec le développement contemporain de la néotélévision. En outre la publicité adressée aux enfants vise à en faire des consommateurs autonomes par rapport à leurs parents. / The first chapter summarises and anticipates most of the research topics. Paragraphs 1 and 2 show the surprise and perplexity of some pre-eminent liberal-democratic intellectuals facing Berlusconi’s victory in 1994, which, along with the transformation of the electoral law in the previous years, mark out the passage to the “second republic” according to the current opinion. My research suggests that 1994 instead marked the return to an anti-political culture which was repressed for a long time and Berlusconi was able to interpret and represent, both in his television channels and in the direct political propaganda. I believe that the defeat of the referendum in 1995 for the repeal of television duopoly and the limitation of advertising (§.3) are, on the other hand, a much clearer clue of his hegemony as public figure and “commanager” (“communication manager” – P. Musso), but traditional politicians are highly responsible for the origin of the duopoly and his achievement of “neotelevision” (Casetti-Odin) hegemony (§.4). In §.5, 6 and 8, I expound the two keys to understand the history of “neotelevision” (Casetti-Odin) which will guide my research especially in chapters 5, 6 and 7: the “Meyrowitz effect” and the “Chomsky effect” (quotation marks are necessary because I do not expect them to be theories which can be formalised and universalised, but they can only be clues for the organization and interpretation of historical data). The first theory suggests the possibility that “neotelevision” in Italy caused the progressive loss of aura, prestige and authority of parents, politicians and adults in general. Meyrowitz theory, inspired by Goffman’s dramaturgical sociology, aimed to explain the rise of protest movements in America with the widespread of television sets among American families (almost half of them had a television set in 1954). Nevertheless “paleotelevision” in Italy cannot significantly explain these same movements: it was less widespread, it had a smaller amount of hours of transmission, it had only one channel at first, then two…; in addition to this many other stimuli (starting from the “contagion” of the movement from abroad) appeared at that time. On the contrary “neotelevision” was a sudden change which concerned all the variables (hours of transmission, channels, etc…), therefore a further loss of adults’ prestige could be expected from it, but in a form different from protest. The “Chomsky effect” can integrate the “Meyrowitz effect”. According to Chomsky, media that lives off advertisement have to “produce” (I would say: attract, select, shape) the public, which then they will have to “sell to advertisers”. Program schedules of “neotelevision” will be, therefore, at complete disposal of the advertisers’ demands. It is certainly not a new idea, nor an idea had only by Chomsky, who uses it in an apodictic way against media mainstream: among others Antonio Pilati shares this idea, but with an apologetic intent (cf. §.8). Of course this “effect” is even less scientifically definable, because the educational process itself requires a long period of time, it is the result of too many crossed factors and its consequences are considered to be hardly predictable, or even unpredictable. Nevertheless, from those years, Italians’ attitude towards advertising and brands has gone through changes so drastic (as evidenced by Eurisko researches) that we cannot avoid relating them to the contemporary development of “neotelevision”. Moreover advertising targeting children and youngsters aims to make them consumers that are independent from their parents and to some extent it reinforces the “Meyrovitz effect”. Both the “effects” aim to develop television as independent educational curriculum.