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The Early Pennsylvanian (Bashkirian/Morrowan) Bridal Veil Limestone of north-central Utah was deposited in the eastern portion of the rapidly subsiding Oquirrh basin. The 420 meter-thick Bridal Veil Limestone displays distinct cyclicity formed by stacked, meter to decameter scale high-frequency sequences and their constituent parasequences. Though no one ideal cycle may be defined for the Bridal Veil Limestone, each high-frequency sequence and parasequence contains a general shallowing upward trend that ranges from anaerobic to dysaerobic mudstone at the base to skeletal wackestone to mud-dominated packstone, capped by heterozoan grain-rich carbonates or siliciclastic tidalites. Cycles bounded by exposure surfaces, indicated by micro-brecciation, rhizoliths, laminated calcite or silica crusts, rip-up clasts, centimeter-scale teepee structures, and/or pronounced erosional relief are termed high-frequency sequences. Those bounded by marine flooding surfaces are defined as parasequences. Thusly defined, the Bridal Veil Limestone is divided into 25 high-frequency sequences designated BVL-1 through BVL-25. Overall, two distinct sets of high-frequency sequences may be observed in the Bridal Veil Limestone. Sequences comprising the lower half of the formation (BVL-1 through BVL-12) are thicker, muddier, and less sand-prone than sequences in the upper half of the formation (BVL-13 through BVL-25), indicating an overall change in oxygenation, depositional texture, and accommodation upward in the section. Tracing of key beds and surfaces between the Thorpe Hills, Lake Mountain, and the Wasatch Range (spanning a distance greater than 50 miles) reveals that deposition was remarkably uniform across the southeastern part of the Oquirrh basin which we herein designate the Bridal Veil sub-basin and distinct from coeval formations in the southern Oquirrh basin, Ely basin, and Wyoming shelf. Mudstone and wackestone textures comprise a large portion of the formation by volume. Grain-rich carbonates are almost exclusively heterozoan in composition, indicating that the sub-basin was subphotic to aphotic through Early Pennsylvanian time.

This empirical research focuses on the subject of Hijab in Sweden. It demonstrates that Afghan (Muslim) women residing in Sweden do not consider the Hijab as an element of their culture/identity. Additionally, the empirical data gathered through interviews with twenty Afghans residing in Sweden reveals that Hijab is socially imposed on women, particularly by male relatives. Afghan women reveal verbal and physical violations exercised against women by male relatives in order to force them to veil. Therefore, if multiculturalism favors the Hijab as a human right and/or an identity/cultural element of these women, it neglects the violations implied by Hijab on women. By adopting a Marxist feminist lens, the research explains that although veiling and controlling women’s body existed for centuries before the birth of capitalism, controlling women’s body by forcing them to veil serves the capitalist project as well. The veil is one of the diverse ways of controlling women (‘s body) and is one of the ways to help the interests of capitalism since women are the source of reproduction of labor. Rejecting the position of both left-wing and right-wing parties (and specifically racists) in the political sphere in Sweden, it is suggested that the former (no matter intentionally or unintentionally) justifies and serves the preservation of the repressive Hijab and does not protect Muslim women and their human rights. And (far) right-wing actors, by pointing to the repressive Hijab, merely aim to cut the budget that is essential for protecting the fundamental human rights of immigrants and target the existence of immigrants per se to enable (further) development of capitalist (economic) policies. This research argues that discourse cannot make a substantial change in behaviors, and not only men should be considered as the responsible actor to diminish the violations. A third alternative/approach is instead suggested for the change in the material condition of such communities so as to diminish the violations. By reminding the responsibility of the Swedish government, it is suggested that the government should take responsibility for material provision regarding awareness, education, employment, and development of oppressed veiled women. This is how the government can protect human rights and actualize women’s capacity in order to combat the violations.

No description available.

Den långa traditionen av sekularitet i Frankrike har ett stort inflytande i den publika sfären och har därmed blivit djupt rotad i den franska identiteten. Den sekulära ideologin har resulterat i en lag som förbjuder religiösa symboler i skolan. Sedan hösten 2004 får muslimska flickor inte längre bära slöja i skolan. Syftet med denna uppsats är att presentera unga muslimska kvinnors uppfattning och syn angående denna nya lag. Uppsatsen strävar efter att förstå hur lagen har påverkat dessa kvinnor. Arbetet betonar också unga muslimska kvinnors föreställning om slöjan såväl som deras erfarenheter av ett sekulärt samhälle. Essän är ett resultat av empiriskt arbete av kvalitativ karaktär byggd på ostrukterade intervjuer med sju muslimska kvinnor. Saids koncept orientalism och Foucaults teori om governmentality är centrala element i analysen. Analysen i sin helhet är baserad på olika begrepp. Arbetet konkluderar en ökning av muslimska kvinnors exkludering som en följd av lagen. Lagen har således fått effekter utanför skolans sfär. Muslimska kvinnor i den här studien är stigmatiserade på grund av deras slöja och lagen har plötsligt legitimerat diskriminering mot dem. / The long tradition of secularism in France has a great influence in the public sphere. It is furthermore deeply ingrained in the French identity. Eventually the secular ideology resulted in a law against religious symbols in school. Since autumn 2004 Muslim girls are not any longer permitted to wear the veil in school. This thesis aims to present the perspective of young Muslim women in France regarding the new law. It seeks to capture how the law has had an influence on these women. Additionally it puts forward young Muslim women´s experiences of a secular society and their understandings of the veil. It is an empirical study of a qualitative character, based on unstructured interviews with seven Muslim women. Said´s notion of orientalism and Foucault´s idea of governmentality are central elements in the analysis. Further, the analysis of the empirical material is structured around a variety of concepts. The paper concludes that the law has contributed to an increased islamophobia in French society. Further, Muslim women are excluded to a greater extent due to the law. Hence the law has been extended beyond the educational sphere. Muslim women in this study are stigmatised due to their veil and the law has suddenly legitimatized discrimination against them.

This essay investigates three questions relating to Climate Justice and are as follows: To what degree ought the global warming be restricted, How ought the greenhouse gas emissions be divided and How ought the costs related to the climate change be divided. To be able to answer these questions principles of justice are needed. An argument is therefore constructed modeled after John Rawls Original Position in general and The Veil of Ignorance in particular. The conclusions from this essay are that the global temperature increase ought to be restricted to 1.5 degrees Celsius with support from Maximin as a principle of justice. As a consequent to this goal net zero emissions need to be the case as soon as possible. The remaining possible emissions ought to be divided equally with support from Maximin as a principle of justice. For the last question it is suggested that the costs ought to be paid by the ones how have emitted greenhouse gases, this according to the principle of Polluter Pays.

No / The widespread protests of November 2019 may be marked as the bloodiest recent chapter of the Islamic Republic of Iran's history in terms of popular dissent. The two major protests in December 2017 and November 2019, followed by the public reaction to the shooting down of the Ukrainian International Airlines Flight 752 by the IRGC over Tehran after the US killing of General Soleimani, suggest that the prevailing dynamics of political protest in Iran are changing. There is an increasing sense of radicalisation among protesters, while the state is prepared to resort to extreme violence to maintain control. The geography of political protest has changed. The declining economic situation has had a profound impact on the more vulnerable segments of the society who are now increasingly playing a more proactive role in challenging the state. The methods of protest have been evolving over the last four decades, especially in the cultural arena. Last but not least, the willingness of the protesters both to endure and inflict violence is precipitously transforming state-society relations beyond recognition. This article begins by providing a brief overview of protest in the history of the Islamic Republic, up to the public reaction to the 2020 downing of the Ukrainian airline over Tehran. This provides a historical context to assess the ways in which both the political climate and protests have changed over the last four decades. A section identifying and analysing the factors which have created the current political cul-de-sac then follows. The changing dynamics of the protests are the result of the existing political gridlock and the economic crisis, and it is thus important to evaluate the prevailing conditions which have paved the way for the radicalisation of political climate in Iran. The final section examines the changing dynamics of political protest.

Mr Justice Corbett made a substantial contribution to the South African tax law as he delivered several judgements during his long career on the bench. Starting from the lower ranks as a judge he became Chief Justice of South Africa. Precedents set by his judgements are considered important and indicative of the level of South African tax law. This dissertation observes his background, looks at the operations of the tax court in South Africa and examines whether his judgements were cited and applied in subsequent cases as accepted precedent. International case law is referred to, to compare his judgements with comparable international tax law. / Auditing / M. Comm. (Accounting)

Cette thèse identifie une cooccurrence des discours à propos de l’hypersexualisation des jeunes filles et ceux concernant le port du voile islamique qui sont, depuis quelques années, au cœur des préoccupations sociales au Québec comme ailleurs en Occident. Plus spécifiquement, elle propose une « économie générale des discours » (Foucault, 1976) contemporains sur l’hypersexualisation et le port du voile, dans une perspective conjoncturelle, par et à travers trois contextes d'analyse particuliers : féministe, médiatique et public. Elle démontre comment l’hypersexualisation et le port du voile sont problématisés (Foucault, 2001/1984), c'est-à-dire qu’ils sont posés comme nouveaux problèmes sociaux engendrant et cristallisant bon nombre de craintes et d’anxiétés contemporaines. Ainsi, la thèse est composée de trois chapitres centraux qui reprennent chacun des contextes de problématisation identifiés. Le chapitre intitulé « Féminisme(s) et égalité des sexes », avance que l’égalité des sexes est invoquée comme valeur moderne, féministe et québécoise par excellence et qu’elle participe, à ce titre, de la problématisation du port du voile et de l’hypersexualisation. Le chapitre suivant, « Médias, diversité et (hyper) visibilité », concentre l’analyse sur les médias et la culture populaire, à la fois sujets énonciateurs, régimes et objets de discours, participant à construire et à délimiter l’adolescence et la religion/culture musulmane comme des mondes à part, mystérieux, tout en les exposant au public. Enfin, à partir d’une analyse des discours publics à propos de l’hypersexualisation et du port du voile, le chapitre intitulé « Laïcité, sexualité et neutralité » met en lumière les façons par lesquelles ces problèmes sont constitutifs de chartes, de codes et d’autres formes de règlementations qui viennent non seulement normaliser mais également discipliner la conduite de chacun, au nom du bien commun et de la neutralité de l’État. Un « Retour sur la conjoncture » vient conclure la thèse en mettant en lumière certains éléments conjoncturels qui traversent ses principaux chapitres, dont les questions du consensus et de l’extrême. / This dissertation identifies a co-occurrence between the discourses about girl’s ‘hypersexualization’ and those regarding the ‘Islamic’ practice of veiling, which have been generating similar concerns, discourses and anxieties in Quebec as well as in most Western societies for the past years. More specifically, I propose a ‘general economy of discourses’ (Foucault, 1976) about hypersexualization and headscarf-wearing, from a conjunctural perspective, and by means of three contexts of analysis: feminist, media, and public. I demonstrate how hypersexualization and headscarf-wearing are problematized (Foucault, 2001/1984), that is to say, how they are produced as concomitant social problems. The dissertation consists of three main chapters that each takes on one of the contexts of problematization. The chapter entitled ‘Feminism(s) and Gender Equality’, argues that gender equality is invoked as the modern value par excellence within the feminist movement as in Quebec society. As such, gender equality is constitutive of the problems of hypersexualization and headscarf-wearing. The next chapter, ‘Media Diversity and (Hyper) Visibility’, focuses on the media and popular culture as both subjects and objects of discourse, which produce and define adolescence and Muslim religion/culture as worlds apart, while exposing them to the public. Finally, the chapter entitled ‘Secularism, Sexuality, and Neutrality’ analyzes the public discourses about hypersexualization and headscarf-wearing and highlights the ways in which these problems are constitutive of charters, codes of conduct and other forms of regulations, in the name of the common good and state’s neutrality. In conclusion, I provide a ‘look back’ on the conjuncture, stressing some issues that crosses the main chapters of the dissertation, such as the questions of consensus and extreme.

Dans cette thèse, insérée dans la cadre de la sociologie de la connaissance, nous nous intéressons à étudier les discours circulant en France sur un comportement vestimentaire, le port du voile. Notre approche porte sur des discours : le premier celui des acteurs sociaux concernés par ce comportement vestimentaire, des jeunes femmes concernées par le port du voile. Le deuxième discours est celui de la presse écrite. Notre travail se base, essentiellement, sur la théorie de Boltanski, pour l'analyse des entretiens, et sur celle d'Habermas, pour l'analyse des discours de la presse écrite. Le traitement de la question de notre recherche, le port du voile, nous a cheminé à interroger la littérature sur la sociologie de journalisme et à établir un rapport articulant les communications journalistiques avec les thématiques théoriques concernant « l'espace public » en retraçant la surmédiatisation et la politisation liées à ce sujet. Nous nous sommes également intéressée à la question du port du voile en tant que pratique vestimentaire et pour la comprendre nous avons donné la parole, à travers des entretiens individuels, aux acteurs de cette pratique.Ce travail a été effectué dans une perspective multi-méthodologique : nous avons à la fois effectué deux types d'analyse : une première analyse discursive, qui nous a permis d'illustrer les procédures journalistiques utilisées dans le traitement da la question du port du voile dans notre corpus de la presse écrite (Le Figaro, Le Monde, Libération et L'Express). Et une deuxième analyse thématique qui nous a conduite à saisir les sentiments, le « vécu » et la « volonté » de personnes qui ont décidé ou qui désirent porter le voile. / In this thesis which would be classified under the sociology of consciousness we focus on the study of the common mainline discourse regarding the Muslim women dress behavior of the veil. Our methodology is based on the speech discourse analysis of : firstly the speech discourse of the socials actors directly involved in this behavior; i.e. the young girls concerned with wearing the veil, most of which already do, or would like to wear it. The secondly is the speech and language used by the printed press in regards to this issue. Our work is primarily based on Boltanski's theory of the interviews analyzing, and on Habermas's work on the speech analyzing of the press.The studying of our research, the veil, walked us to examine the literature on the sociology of journalism and to link between the journalistic communication and those theoretical subjects concerned with the “public space” by tracing the media hype and the politicizing connected with this issue. We also addressed the veil wearing as a customs and dress-code issue. Therefore, and to better understand it, we gave the stage to those directly involved with this practice through individual interviews.This work was carried out in a multi-methodological perspective; whereby we made two types of analysis : The first is a discursive analysis, which allowed us to illustrate the journalistic procedures used in dealing with the issue of the veil amongst a sample of press outlets we choose (Le Figaro, Le Monde, Libération and L'Express). The second is an objective analysis that led us to understand the feelings, the "coexistence" and the "will" of those individuals who have decided or who want "to wear the veil."