This dissertation explains how increased educational attainment became the most politically viable means of reducing economic inequality in the postwar United States. Using Houston as a case study, the dissertation argues that a heterogeneous group of people and organizations played a role in the creation of a society in which human capital development served the vital political function of structuring economic inequality: employers who sought to raise worker productivity at minimal direct cost to themselves and to wrest control of worker training from labor unions; ordinary Houstonians in search of economic security and opportunity, including black and Latino civil rights activists who used human capital development to dismantle the racial division of labor; and federal, state, and local government officials who used education to lower unemployment and spur economic development. / History

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This dissertation represents the first major examination of the depiction of the working class in the National Film Board of Canada (NFB) films between 1939 and 1946. It is also the first to focus on studying class as it relates to Canadian cinema. In search of the formative roots of the Board's early discourse on labour and the working class, we first look at the historical development of early Canadian cinematic culture, Canadian working class political and cultural discourse and the NFB's own political and working dynamics. We then examine the films and point out connections between their discourse and the views forwarded at the time by supporters of the Popular Front. The survey of the films is contextualized within three phases marking the rise, the solidification and the eventual descendance of this discourse. / By the late 1930s, the policies of the Communist Party based Popular Front had already assumed a prominent position within Canadian working class politics. This thesis argues that, during a short period after its establishment, the NFB produced a body of film which introduced a new cinematic discourse on the role and the politics of labour and the working class. It concludes that this discourse was closely affected by the developments that influenced the rise and the decline of the counter-hegemonic movement that was instigated by the Popular Front.

This thesis explores the revolutionary adult education learning dimensions in a Canadian Black anti-racist organization, which continues to be under-represented in the Canadian Adult Education literature on social movement learning. This case study draws on detailed reflection based on my own personal experience as a leader and member of the Black Action Defense Committee (BADC). The analysis demonstrates the limitations to the application of the Gramscian approach to radical adult education in the non-profit sector, I will refer to as the Non-Profit Industrial Complex (NPIC) drawing on recent research by INCITE Women of Colour! (2007). This study fills important gaps in the new fields of studies on the NPIC and its role in the cooptation of dissent, by offering the first Canadian study of a radical Black anti-racist organization currently experiencing this. This study fills an important gap in the social movement and adult education literature related to the legacy of Canadian Black Communism specifically on the Canadian left.

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An analysis of migration patterns and migrant adjustment in peninsular Malaysia is presented, based on data from the Malaysian Family Life Survey. The analysis revealed that urban/rural residence, ethnicity, motivations underlying migration, and manner of securing employment are important determinants of the duration of the job search and of post-migration income. It was further noted that transferees form a distinct stream of migration. They differ from other migrants in age, education, employment, and post-migration income. In discussing the significance of these findings, attention is drawn to the impact of government policies on types of migration streams, and to the size of the public (or formal) sector as a determinant of work-related migration, or transfers.

This thesis has explored the need for working class solidarity in collectivities to meet external threats, A collectivity such as the AFL-CIO could use its house organ, The American Federationist, to inspire solidarity among workers through the use of class conscious expressions. The method employed in this study was a content analysis of selected articles for expressions deemed to evoke class solidarity. The hypothesis of the study was that the mean of class conscious expressions would be higher for a high threat period than for a low threat period.The.findings did not support the hypothesis and the literature on labor collectivities was re-examined. Many authors have cited the AFL-CIO for a lack of class consciousness and for behaving simply as an interest group in response to threats. The-findings of the study are consistent with these citations. The AFL-CIO appears in summary, as an interest group with a status quo orientation.

This thesis explores the relationship between the determinants and the components of the labor outflow from Turkey, Italy and Spain to the industrial parts of Europe. It is a comparative study analysing the historical backgrounds of these countries and the characteristics of their people who work in various countries of the continent. It covers a period of fiftyfour years (1920-19Th) in three eras: The Ease Era, 1920-1950; The Pre-Migration Era, 1950-1960; The Migration Era, 1960-19Th. It studies the role of the Pre-Migration Era as a "thresho1" to the labor outflow with the hypothesis that the existence of the "threshold" plays an important role in making the components of the labor outflow the same for all the three countries considered, in spite of their different socio-economic backgrounds.For the pursuance of the objectives, the study uses secondary data on two sets of socio-economic variables. The first set analyses the Base Era and the Pre-Migration Era. The second set analyses the Migration Era,The results found prove the points hypothesized, but with variations.

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This thesis explores the revolutionary adult education learning dimensions in a Canadian Black anti-racist organization, which continues to be under-represented in the Canadian Adult Education literature on social movement learning. This case study draws on detailed reflection based on my own personal experience as a leader and member of the Black Action Defense Committee (BADC). The analysis demonstrates the limitations to the application of the Gramscian approach to radical adult education in the non-profit sector, I will refer to as the Non-Profit Industrial Complex (NPIC) drawing on recent research by INCITE Women of Colour! (2007). This study fills important gaps in the new fields of studies on the NPIC and its role in the cooptation of dissent, by offering the first Canadian study of a radical Black anti-racist organization currently experiencing this. This study fills an important gap in the social movement and adult education literature related to the legacy of Canadian Black Communism specifically on the Canadian left.