Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: With the discovery of the so-called “New Sappho” in 2004, there has been a revival in the research about Sappho, Greek lyric and old age in Greek literature. In this short fragment, Sappho writes about the symptoms of old age. She interweaves this with mythological references to Eos and Tithonus. It was especially this remarkable find that has focused my attention on the themes of old age, caducity, bodily decay and mortality in Greek literature. In my opinion the discovery of a new fragment of Greek poetry justifies research on this genre as well as the themes that occur in it. This thesis explores the following research question: What is the view of old age that is brought to the fore in a thematic examination of early Greek poetry? My discussion includes works by Sappho, Anacreon, Ibycus, Mimnermus, Tyrtaeus of Sparta, Solon of Athens, Theognis, Archilochus and Semonides of Amorgos. This thesis found that the view of old age in early Greek poetry is predominantly negative. The thesis proves the hypothesis that the view of old age, caducity, bodily decay and mortality that is brought to the fore in a thematic examination of early Greek poetry agrees with the negative view of these aspects as appears from the other literary genres from the Greek canon. In most cases there is a strong relationship between old age and eroticism and how old age obstructs eroticism. In these fragments we often find a human revolt on a universal scale against old age and the loss of love. The aged body is no longer seen as an erotic object. This also has serious implications for the social circumstances of the aged. The use of the first person voice stresses both the raw, personal experience of old age and the universal experience thereof. The first person plural in some cases underlines the collective attitude and experiences of the ageing person. Early Greek poets describe old age as πόλιος (grey), ὀδυνηρός (painful), ἀργαλέος (baneful), κακός (evil), ἄμορφος (ugly), οὐλόμενος (accursed) and ἄζηλος (unenviable). The epithets and adjectival clauses which are identified in the discussed poetry form a conceptual nexus of old age which is almost uniformly negative. Except for Tyrtaeus and maybe Solon, most poets have a disapproving, reproachful, despising and repulsive attitude towards old age. In these fragments, old age is described as the threshold to death. Old age in itself is a type of death, a living death. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Met die ontdekking van die sogenaamde “Nuwe Sappho” in 2004 het daar weer opflikkering gekom in die navorsing oor Sappho, die Griekse liriek en die ouderdom in Griekse letterkunde. In hierdie kort fragment skryf Sappho oor die simptome van die ouderdom en verweef sy dit ook met mitologiese verwysings na Eos en Tithonos. Dit is juis hierdie merkwaardige vonds wat my aandag gefokus het op die temas van ouderdom, verganklikheid, aftakeling en sterflikheid in die Griekse letterkunde. Die ontdekking van ʼn nuwe fragment Griekse poësie regverdig na myns insiens navorsing oor hierdie genre en dus ook die temas wat daarin voorkom. In hierdie tesis word die volgende navorsingsprobleem ondersoek: Wat is die siening van ouderdom, verganklikheid, aftakeling en sterflikheid wat na vore kom in ʼn tematiese ondersoek van die vroeë Griekse digkuns? My bespreking sluit werke deur Sappho, Anakreon, Ibukos, Mimnermos, Turtaios van Sparta, Solon van Athene, Theognis, Archilochos en Semonides van Amorgos in. In hierdie tesis is daar bevind dat die siening van die ouderdom in die vroeë Griekse digkuns oorwegend negatief is. Die tesis bewys die hipotese dat die siening van ouderdom, verganklikheid, aftakeling en sterflikheid wat na vore kom in ʼn tematiese ondersoek van die vroeë Griekse digkuns ooreenstem met die negatiewe siening oor hierdie aspekte wat in ander letterkundige genres van die Griekse kanon blyk. Daar is in die meeste gevalle ʼn sterk verbintenis tussen die ouderdom en die erotiek en hoe eersgenoemde die tweede kortwiek. Dikwels tref ons op ʼn universele vlak ʼn uiting van die menslike verset teen die ouderdom en die verlies van liefde in die fragmente aan. Die bejaarde liggaam word nie meer as ʼn erotiese voorwerp gesien nie. Dit het ook ernstige implikasies vir die sosiale omstandighede van die bejaardes. Die gebruik van die eerstepersoonspreker in die vroeë Griekse digkuns onderstreep tegelyk die rou, persoonlike belewenis van die ouderdom sowel as die universele ervaring daarvan. Die eerstepersoonsmeervoud in sekere gevalle beklemtoon die kollektiewe houding en ervaring van die ouerwordende mens. Die ouderdom word deur die vroeë Griekse digters as πόλιος (gryskop; grou), ὀδυνηρός (pynlik), ἀργαλέος (verderflik), κακός (boos), ἄμορφος (lelik), οὐλόμενος (vervloek) en ἄζηλος (onbenydenswaardig) uitgekryt. Die epiteta en byvoeglike bepalings wat in die bespreekte kortpoësie aangetref word, vorm ʼn konseptuele neksus van die ouderdom wat amper gelykmatig negatief is. Behalwe vir die uitsondering van Turtaios en miskien Solon, is die meeste digters se houding teenoor die ouderdom en bejaardes daardie van afkeer, verwyt, veragting en ongeneentheid. In dié fragmente word die ouderdom geskets as die drumpel tot die dood. Ouderdom is op sigself ʼn soort dood, ʼn lewende dood.

Thesis (D.Litt.)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Relevance theory has seriously challenged the theoretical soundness of formal and functional equivalence as Bible translation methods. In Translation and relevance: Cognition and context, Gutt (1991) argued that relevance theory provides translators with the best available framework for understanding and practicing translation. In his effort to provide a comprehensive account of translation, he proposed two new approaches to translation: direct translation and indirect translation. He did not, however, develop direct and indirect translation into well-defined approaches to translation. This study explores the viability of direct and indirect translation as approaches to Bible translation. First, by applying insights drawn from relevance theory, it spells out the theoretical and practical implications of these approaches in an attempt to develop them into well-defined translation methods. The explication of the two new approaches shows how and why relevance theoretic approaches to translation differ from formal and functional equivalence. In addition to describing the general approach of direct and indirect translation, it also demonstrates how each approach handles specific translation issues such as figurative language, implicit information, ambiguity, and gender-biased language. Then, by using them to translate the epistle to Titus, the study tests the practical effectiveness of each new approach. This lengthy application yields many examples of how relevance theory provides translators with valuable guidance for making difficult translation decisions. It emphasises the need for translators to take measures to bridge the contextual gap between the source context and the receptor context, illustrating how this can be done by providing footnotes in a direct translation or by explicating implicit information in an indirect translation. The study closes with a brief assessment of the two new approaches and some suggestions for further research. The conclusions show both the value and the limitations of the results of this study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Relevansieteorie bevraagteken ernstig die teoretiese basis van formele en funksionele ekwivalensie as metodes van Bybelvertaling. Gutt (1991) het in Translation and relevance: Cognition and context geargumenteer dat relevansieteorie vertalers voorsien van die beste beskikbare raamwerk vir die verstaan en beoefening van vertaling. In sy poging om 'n omvattende beskrywing van vertaling daar te stel, het hy twee nuwe benaderings voorgestel: direkte vertaling en indirekte vertaling. Hy het egter nie direkte en indirekte vertaling ontwikkel tot goed gedefinieerde benaderings tot vertaling nie. Hierdie studie ondersoek die lewensvatbaarheid van direkte en indirekte vertaling as benaderings tot Bybelvertaling. Eerstens word aan die hand van insigte ontleen aan relevansieteorie die teoretiese en praktiese implikasies van hierdie benaderings verken met die doel om dit te ontwikkel tot goed gedefineerde metodes van vertaling. Die uiteensetting van hierdie twee nuwe benaderings toon hoe en waarom relevansieteoretiese benaderings tot vertaling verskil van formele en funksionele ekwivalensie. Benewens 'n beskrywing van die algemene benadering van direkte en indirekte vertaling, demonstreer die uiteensetting hoe elke benadering spesifieke aangeleenthede soos beeldspraak, implisiete inligting, dubbelsinnigheid en gender-bevooroordeelde taal, in vertaalpraktyk hanteer. Vervolgens stel die ondersoek die praktiese effektiwiteit van elke nuwe benadering op die proef deur dit te gebruik om die brief aan Titus te vertaal. Hierdie omvangryke toepassing lewer verskeie voorbeelde waar relevansieteorie vertalers van waardevolle riglyne voorsien om moeilike besluite oor vertaling te maak. Dit benadruk die noodsaaklikheid vir vertalers om spesiale maatreels te tref om die kontekstuele gaping te oorbrug tussen die bronkonteks en die reseptorkonteks, en word geillustreer deur in 'n direkte vertaling voetnotas te gebruik en deur in 'n indirekte vertaling implisiete inligting eksplisiet te maak. Die ondersoek word afgesluit met 'n kort evaluering van die twee benaderings en met enkele voorstelle vir verdere navorsing. Die gevolgtrekking toon beide die waarde en die beperkings van die resultate van hierdie ondersoek.

Thesis (PhD (Ancient Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study the conceptualization of love or affecion in the Old Testament is investigated. The most prototypical Biblical Hebrew lexeme for affection, namely אהב , forms the focus of the study. It is hypothesized that the analysis of אהב in terms of its valency and the conceptual frames associated with each of its valency patterns will contribute to a more informative lexicographical description of אהב . Since אהב forms part of a much larger semantic field of lexemes that can convey the attitude of affection, it is neccessary to study these lexemes as well. While the first chapter introduces the topic under investigation, i.e. a study of lexemes of affection, the second chapter aims at demarcating the list of lexemes of affection that needs to be considered. This list amounts to fifteen lexemes in total; fourteen of which can belong to the domain of affection, and one antonym. In Chapter 3 the methodology of the current study is explained. The researcher advocates a Cognitive Linguistic approach. Renier de Blois employed Cognitive Linguistics for his model which is aimed towards compiling the Semantic Dictionary of Biblical Hebrew. While his model is used as starting point in the present study, some more areas of Cognitive Linguistics are identified that could assist us to refine the model of De Blois. These areas include prototype theory, semantic potential, the notion of radial networks, as well as conceptual frames. Chapter 4 consists of a detailed study of אהב in all its occurrences in the Old Testament, while the remainder of the lexemes of affection as well as its antonym are studied in Chapter 5. In the concluding chapter, Chapter 6, an exposition of the findings is given. This thesis ends with a concise summary of אהב in which all conceptual frames and scripture references where the אהב appear are given. This is followed by a schematic presentation of the lexemes of affection as they occur in relation to the prototypical sense(s) of אהב. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word die konseptualisering van liefde of affeksie in die Ou Testament ondersoek. Die mees prototipiese Bybels-Hebreeuse lekseem vir affeksie, naamlik אהב , is die fokus van die studie. Dit word veronderstel dat die analise van אהב in terme van die lekseem se valensie en die konseptuele raamwerke wat met die valensie patrone geassosieer word, sal bydra tot „n meer informatiewe leksikografiese beskrywing van אהב . Aangesien אהב deel vorm van „n veel groter semantiese veld van lekseme wat die houding van affeksie beskryf, is dit nodig dat hierdie lekseme ook bestudeer word. Terwyl die eerste hoofstuk die tema van die huidige ondersoek inlei, naamlik die bestudering van lekseme van affeksie in die Bybels-Hebreeuse teks, is die tweede hoofstuk daarop gerig om die lys van lekseme van affeksie vir die ondersoek af te baken. Hiedie lys bestaan uit vyftien lekseme altesaam; veertien lekseme wat deel uitmaak van die domein van affeksie, en een antoniem. In Hoofstuk 3 word die metodologie van die huidige studie uiteengesit. Die navorser staan „n Kognitiewe Linguistiese benadering voor. Renier de Blois het Kognitiewe Linguistiek aangewend vir sy model wat daarop gerig is om die Semantic Dictionary for Biblical Hebrew saam te stel. Alhoewel sy model as beginpunt vir die huidige studie gebruik word, is daar sommige areas binne die veld van Kognitiewe Linguistiek wat aangewend sou kon word om De Blois se model te verfyn. Hierdie areas sluit prototipe teorie, semantiese potensiaal, die idee van straalvormige netwerke, asook konseptuele raamwerke in. Hoofstuk 4 bestaan uit „n gedetailleerde studie van אהב in al sy voorkomste in die Ou Testament, terwyl die res van die lekseme van affeksie sowel as die antoniem in Hoofstuk 5 bestudeer word. In die slot hoofstuk, Hoofstuk 6, is daar „n uiteensetting van die bevindinge. Die tesis eindig met „n kort opsomming van אהב waarin al die konseptuele raamwerke en skrifverwysings waarbinne אהב voorkom, gegee word. Daarna volg „n skematiese voorstelling van die lekseme van affeksie na aanleiding van hul voorkomste in verhouding tot die prototipiese betekenis(se) van אהב.

Thesis (PhD (Ancient Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / This dissertation sets out to test the hypothesis that Egyptian and Hellenistic connections to Jewish beliefs about the functioning of angels facilitated the reception of Christianity. The method of investigation involved a close reading, combined with a History of Religions methodology, of certain texts with marked angelological content. The presence of certain motifs, especially “throne” and “sun/fire”, which were identified as characteristic of angelic functioning, were compared across the entire spectrum of texts. In this way the diachronic development of major angelological motifs became apparent, and the synchronic connections between the respective cultural contexts became noticeable. The course the research followed is reflected in the list of Contents. Ancient Egyptian myth and ritual associated with solar worship, together with Divine Council imagery, provides a pattern of mediation between heaven and earth via two crucial religious concepts which underly Jewish beliefs about the functioning of angels: 1) the concept of a supreme God as the king of the Gods as reflected in Divine Council imagery, and 2) the unique Egyptian institution of the king as the divine son of god (also related to the supremacy of the sun god). The blending of these two concepts can be seen in Ezekiel 1 and 10, where the throne of God is the source of angelic mediation between heaven and earth. An important stimulus to change was the vexed issue of theodicy, which in the traumatic history of the Israelites / Jews, forced new ways of thinking about angels, who in some contexts were implicated in evil and suffering on earth. In the hellenistic period, attainment to the throne of God in heaven becomes the goal of heavenly ascent, reflected in various ways in all three cultural contexts, and specifically by means of merkabah mysticism in the Jewish context; the basic concern is deification of human beings. It was this seminal cultural mixture which mediated Christianity as an outcome of Jewish angelology. The characteristic ambiguity of Jewish descriptions of angelic appearances, as reflected in the Hebrew Bible and in the Book of Revelation, functioned purposefully in this regard. Analysis of the distribution of angelological motifs amongst the Christian texts reflects Jewish angelological traditions, both in terms of merkabah mysticism in the Letter to the Hebrews, and in angelomorphic appearances of Jesus in the Book of Revelation.

Thesis (MA (Dept. of Ancient Studies) -- University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Throughout the centuries artists have visualised the imaginative works of Publius Vergilius Maro in a variety of art forms. Paintings, frescoes, sculptures and even tapestries have made the wordscenes of his great epic, the Aeneid, concrete. The thesis investigates only the illustration of the epic in manuscripts and printed texts or translations. The illustrations of scenes in Book VI – the journey of Aeneas in the underworld – are studied using the reception-historical approach. This is to determine whether the illustrations of the Trojan hero’s journey in the underworld reflect the reception of the Aeneid in the different eras or periods. The illustrator is a “reader” of the Aeneid text or translation and consequently his/her illustration of a particular scene reflects his/her own visual interpretation thereof. Illustrations of Book VI in manuscripts like the Vergilius Vaticanus of late Antiquity and the mid- 15th century Riccardiana Vergilius of Apollonio di Giovanni are examined. A study of illustrations in printed texts or translations range from the 1502 Grüninger edition of Vergil edited by Sebastian Brant to the Book VI illustration of Thom Kapheim in a textbook published in 2001. The aim is to establish how illustrators associated with Book VI, interpreted it, how their environment and the spirit of the age influenced their visualisation and how their illustrations reflect the reception of the epic throughout the centuries. Such a study hopes to provide a contribution to Vergilian reception and Nachleben. In the process a better understanding can be obtained for the importance and changing role of Aeneid VI and the whole epic in different eras. It is found that the illustrators of the Aeneid – influenced by the different spirit of their times and environments – brought forth unique visual interpretations of scenes in Book VI that suggest a particular reception of the epic at that specific point of time. The illustrative spectrum of Book VI throughout the centuries can be summarised as follows: revival, allegorisation, pedagogic, realistic decoration and eventually increasingly unrealistic decoration. From late Antiquity to the beginning of the 21st century, the illustrative visualisation of the journey of Aeneas in the underworld indicates that there has always been a definitive response to Vergil and his epic.

Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies)--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Chapter 1 begins by giving the 21st century reader of the Aeneid insights into the innovative socio-cultural environment of the Augustan Age. Following this is an investigation into the societal and cultural importance placed on the Four Cardinal Values in Augustan Age society. Virgil’s attitude to war has been a perennial topic of debate amongst Virgilian scholars. The focus of chapter 1 becomes more specific as it examines Virgil’s personal history, the socio-cultural environment of his childhood and the influence this may have had on his adult opinion of war and the way it is expressed in the Aeneid. An aspect of Virgil’s personal history that is fundamental to understanding his social context, is his relationship with Emperor Augustus. To conclude chapter 1, this is investigated with specific reference to two episodes in the Aeneid. In chapter 2, attention is given to particular aspects of Virgil’s portrayal of Aeneas’ heroic nature. The chapter opens with an examination of Virgil’s representation of Aeneas’ imperfect heroism, then suggests possible reasons behind the inclusion of ambiguity in this characterization. In addition to this, the question of Homeric characteristics in Virgil’s Roman hero is investigated. Chapter 2 then examines the more positive aspects of Virgil’s depiction of Aeneas’ heroism, concluding with a discussion on the favourable interpretation by Augustan Age Romans of Virgil’s demonstration of Aeneas’ heroic nature. Chapter 3 is devoted to a discussion of the manner in which Virgil’s environment influenced his presentation of Aeneas’ personal interactions. Prior to addressing the actual relationships, the chapter explores the question of Virgil’s characterization of Aeneas as somewhat uncommunicative in the epic. This chapter then concentrates on two main facets of Virgil’s portrayal of Aeneas’ personal relationships, i.e. those with family members and those with relevant non-family members that illustrate the extent to which Virgil’s social context influenced his composition of this poem. In conclusion, this study summarises the importance of viewing the Aeneid in its correct context. A bibliography is appended.

Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This thesis seeks to investigate the possible influence of Iranian apocalyptic on the Judaean apocalyptic literature, which was widely disseminated in the Near East during the Hellenistic and Roman phases of the Second Temple Period (c. 539 BCE- 70 CE). The similarities between Zoroastrianism and Judaism have been the object of scholarly study for more than a century. Iranologists such as Zaehner, Widengren and Boyce were particularly partial to the notion that Zoroastrianism influenced Judaism. They felt such influences were an inevitable consequence of the Judaeans living under Achaemenian rule for almost two centuries, and in close proximity of Persian communities for some centuries after the demise of the Achaemenid Empire. They based their conclusions on literary parallels between some key biblical passages and Persian literature, linguistic evidence and the obviously dualistic nature of both religions. Recently, however, this point of view has come in for criticism from biblical scholars like Barr and Hanson, who have pointed out that many seemingly Iranian concepts could as easily have emanated from other Near Eastern influences or evolved from within the Judaean tradition. The similarities between the Iranian and Judaean world-view are particularly apparent when considering the apocalyptic traditions from Zoroastrianism and Judaism: Both traditions view the course of history as a pre-determined, linear process in which good and evil are in constant conflict on both a physical and metaphysical level, until a great eschatological battle, introduced by a “messiah” figure, will rid all creation of evil. A judgment of all humanity and resurrection are envisaged in both traditions, as well as an utopian eternal life free of evil. However, it is very difficult to prove that these two apocalyptic traditions are in any way related, as most of the apocalyptic works from Iran are dated considerably later than the Judaean apocalypses, which mostly originated during the Hellenistic period. The apocalyptic phenomena within the two traditions are also not always entirely similar, raising the possibility that they are indeed not the result of cultural interaction between the Iranians and Judaeans. Furthermore, one must also consider that many phenomena constituting apocalyptic occurred widely during the Second Temple Period in the Ancient Near East, on account of the general state of powerlessness and disillusionment brought about by the Macedonian conquest of the Achaemenid Empire and the resulting political unrest. This study investigates the relations between Judaeans and Iranians under Achaemenian rule, the political and religious background and apocalyptic traditions of both these peoples in an attempt to ascertain whether Iranian beliefs did indeed influence Judaean apocalypticism. These investigations will show that, given the cultural milieu of the Ancient Near East in the Second Temple period, contemporary Greek evidence of Zoroastrian beliefs and the interpretative bent of Judaean scribal and priestly classes, there is a strong likelihood that seemingly Iranian concepts in Judaean apocalypticism were indeed of Iranian origin.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In studying ancient Egypt researchers have a great advantage, in that there is a multitude of recorded material to draw from. Unfortunately for anyone interested in studying ancient Egyptian women, the recorded material was most often recorded by, commissioned by, and concerned with, men; royal or high-ranking men to be precise (Robins, 1993: 11-12). Thus, we must look into non-textual artefacts and offerings which may have a symbolic meaning. Though, the textual sources should not be neglected, since these may hold clues to the position and perception of women in society: perceptions held by men. This thesis has drawn largely on art and artefacts to investigate the relationship between women in ancient Egypt and the goddess Hathor. Women are traditionally the mothers, caretakers and homemakers of society. But they are not only that. Women are also individuals, capable of individual thought, feelings, anxieties, hopes and dreams; and like their male counterparts, women also experience religion. But, as was clearly displayed in the thesis, Egyptian women not only experienced religion, they lived religion. In the ancient Egyptian context there was no escaping religion. It must also be understood that the ancient Egyptians thought that the man was the seat of creation and that semen was the essence of creation (according to the cosmogony of Heliopolis, cf. Cooney, 2008: 2). A failure to conceive would be placed directly upon the shoulders of the woman, and could be grounds enough for divorce (Robins, 1993: 63). Women in ancient societies served the main function of child-rearing. This may seem backward, but it was an essential function, without which society would cease to function. When a woman failed to conceive, she in essence failed her function as a woman; many women (and men) in this situation turned to religion. This is where this thesis topic comes into play, since Hathor was a goddess of sexuality and fertility, but also had aspects of safeguarding and caretaking. Women were naturally drawn to her and she developed a large cult following, with cult centres scattered throughout Egypt. Not only were many of her followers female, but her priests were also female (Gillam, 1995: 211-212). Hathor might have been the most relatable of the goddesses because of her dual-nature; she is a caretaker and sexual being, but she can also become fierce and even bloodthirsty. Devotion to Hathor was widespread, with cult centres at Deir el-Bahari, Faras, Mirgissa, Serabit el-Khadim, Timna, Gebel Zeit and elsewhere, each with its own large deposit of votive offerings (Pinch, 1993). Hathor is also referenced in letters between females in a family, as one daughter writes to her mother: “May Hathor gladden you for my sake” (Wente, 1990: 63). It is because of this that this thesis investigated to what an extent ancient Egyptian women had a relationship with her. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die ondersoek van ou Egipte, het navorsers `n groot voordeel, deurdat daar `n groot verskeidenheid bronne beskikbaar is om mee te werk. Ongelukkig, vir enigeen wat daarin geïnteresseerd is om die antieke Egiptiese vrou na te vors, is die meerderheid van die bronne deur mans opgeteken, of in opdrag van hulle, en het ook betrekking op mans; koninklike of hooggeplaaste mans, om meer spesifiek te wees (Robins, 1993: 11-12). Daarom, moet ons ook ongeskrewe artefakte en offerandes bestudeer, wat moontlik simboliese betekenisse kan inhou. Dit beteken egter nie dat ons wel geskrewe bronne moet ignoreer nie, aangesien dit tog leidrade oor die posisie van vroue in die samelewing en hoe hulle deur mans beskou is, kan verskaf. Hierdie tesis het grootliks gebruik maak van kuns en artefakte om die verhouding tussen die vroue van antieke Egipte en die godin Hathor na te vors. Volgens tradisie, is vrouens die moeders, oppassers en tuisteskeppers van `n gemeenskap, maar hulle is nie net dit nie. Vroue is ook individue, in staat tot hul eie gedagtes, gevoelens, vrese, hoop en drome; en nes hul manlike eweknieë, kan vroue ook geloof ervaar. Maar, soos duidelik in die tesis uiteengesit is, het Egiptiese vroue nie net geloof ervaar nie, maar geloof geleef. In die antieke Egiptiese konteks was geloof onontkombaar. Die leser moet ook verstaan dat die antieke Egiptenare geglo het dat die man die skeppingsbron was and dat semen die kern van die skepping was (volgens die Heliopolis Kosmogonie, vgl. Cooney, 2008: 2). Indien „n egpaar probleme ondervind het om swanger te raak, het die blaam direk op die vrou se skouers gerus en was ook `n aanvaarde rede vir egskeiding (Robins, 1993: 63). Vroue in antieke gemeenskappe het hoofsaaklik gedien om kinders groot te maak. Dit mag dalk “agterlik” voorkom, maar dit was `n essensiële rol, waarsonder die gemeenskap nie sou kon funksioneer nie. Indien `n vrou nie kon swanger word nie, het sy in essensie in haar doel as `n vrou misluk; daarom het baie vroue (en mans) in hierdie situasie hulle na godsdiens gekeer. Dit is hier waar hierdie tesis aansluit, aangesien Hathor `n godin van seksualiteit en vrugbaarheid was, maar ook aspekte van beskerming en versorging gehad het. Vroue was natuurlik tot haar aangetrokke, `n groot gevolg het om haar kultus versamel en kultus-sentrums het deur Egipte versprei. Nie net was haar navolgers vroulik nie, maar ook haar priesters was vroulik (Gillam, 1995: 211-212). Hathor was moontlik die godin waarmee die mense die maklikste kon identifiseer, omdat sy `n tweeledige natuur gehad het; sy was `n versorger en `n seksuele wese, maar sy kon ook kwaai en bloeddorstig raak. Die aanbidding van Hathor was wydverspreid, met kultus-sentrums by Deir el-Bahari, Faras, Mirgissa, Serabit el-Khadim, Timna, Gebel Zeit en elders, elk met sy eie groot versameling artefakte (Pinch, 1993). Hathor word ook benoem in briewe tussen vroulike familielede, soos een dogter aan haar moeder skryf: “Mag Hathor jou bly maak vir my onthalwe” (Wente, 1990: 63). Dit is hoekom hierdie tesis nagevors het tot wat `n mate daar `n verhouding tussen antieke Egiptiese vroue en Hathor bestaan het.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Augusine's search for the nature of God's exisistence as well as the origin of evil, reaches a climax in Book 7 of his Confessions. This study assumes the position that Augustine strives to find answers to the above mentioned two questions in the first six books of the Confessions. The answers to both these questions were vitally important to Augustine, since it would then convince him to convert to the Christian faith. Augustine repeatedly thought he grasped the true answer to the existence of God and the origin and the nature of evil but he was disillusioned time and again. His quest for an answer started with his reading of Cicero's Hortentius (Conf. 3.4.7), a book that urged Augustine to search for Truth. Augustine then joined the Manicheans, a sect claiming that their doctrine was based on reason and contained the Truth (Conf. 3.6.10). Augustine believed that the Manicheans could resolve his quest for answers to the existence and nature of both God and evil. The Manichean intellectual and scientific exposition of the cosmos allowed Augustine to imagine God and evil as opposing substances. Eventually, promted by his own intellect, Augustine discovered weaknesses in their theories (Conf. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Augustine's final break with the Manicheans, after nine years as an adherent, came when he heard the sermons of Ambrose of Milan. Not only was Augustine impressed by Ambrose's eloquence but his sermons also embodied an interpretation of Platonism in Christian terms. Augustine's reading of the Neoplatonic books in a Latin translation urged him to turn into himself (Conf. 7.10.16) and search for God there. Once Augustine could pronounce upon the intelligible existence of God, his inquiry into the origin of evil resolved itself (7.12.18). / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Augustinus se soeke na die bestaanswyse van God en die aard en onstaan van die kwaad bereik 'n klimaks in Boek 7 van die Confessiones. In hierdie studie word daar van die standpunt uitgegaan dat Augustinus onder andere in die eerste ses boeke van die Confessiones poog om antwoorde te kry op bogenoemde twee vraagstukke. Antwoorde op beide hierdie vrae was van kardinale belang, aangesien dit Augustinus sou oortuig om hom tot die Christelike geloof te bekeer. Augustinus het herhaaldelik gepoog om die ware antwoorde op die vraag na bestaanwyse van God sowel as die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad te vind. Hy was egter telke male ontnugter. Augustinus se soeke het begin toe hy in aanraking gekom het met Cicero se Hortensius (Conf. 3.4.7), 'n boek wat Augustinus aangemoedig het om die Waarheid na te jaag. Gevolglik het Augustinus by die Manicheërs aangesluit, aangesien dié sekte geglo het dat hulle leerstellinge gebaseer is op die rede en sodoende die volle waarheid bevat (Cant. 3.6.10). Augustinus het geglo dat die Manicheërs sy soektog na antwoorde op die vraag van God en die kwaad se bestaanswyse kon oplos. Die Manicheërs se intellektuele en wetenskaplike uiteensetting van die kosmos het Augustinus toegelaat om God en die kwaad as teenstrydige entiteite te beskou. Ongeveer nege jaar na sy aansluiting by die Manicheërs, aangemoedig deur sy eie intellek, het Augustinus die swak punte in die Manichese leerstellinge ontdek (Cant. 5.3.3-5.6.10). Die finale breek met die Manicheërs het gekom toe Augustinus die preke van Ambrosius in Milaan gehoor het. Nie alleen was Augustinus ingenome met Ambrosius se welsprekendheid nie, maar sy preke het ook die interpretasie van Platonisme in Christelike terme beliggaam. Die Neoplatoniese leerstellinge het Augustinus aangemoedig om na homself, in homself te draai (Conf. 7.10.16) en vir God daar te gaan soek. Sodra Augustinus kon verklaar dat God in die vorm van 'n kenbare wese bestaan, het sy soeke na die oorsprong en die aard van die kwaad dit self opgelos (Cant. 7.12.18).

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The concept of Ma'at is crucial to Ancient Egyptian culture. In Ancient Egypt, Ma'at has two closely related manifestations: the cultural principle and the goddess. Ma'at as general cultural principle relates to the perfect order that was present at the moment when the cosmos came into being. This order eliminated chaos and created perfect balance in every aspect of the cosmos: nature, mankind, the gods, life and death. According to Ancient Egyptian literature, people ordered their lives in terms of the principle to do Ma 'at. This principle amounted to living honestly and justly. In this way, order was maintained and chaos prevented. In religion, which should be considered a subdomain of culture, Ma'at functions as an Ancient Egyptian goddess. As a goddess, Ma'at was considered a being in her own right, with a characteristic appearance, a history, and a cult which was performed by the pharaoh and the priests. Though the conception ofMa'at developed considerably in the long history of Ancient Egypt, the idea was present at the beginning of Egyptian civilization, as is attested by a great variety of inscriptions. The concept played a significant role in this culture from beginning to end. Ma'at was of particular importance to Ancient Egyptian royalty. Royal office included the realization of Ma'at and the consequent destruction ofIsfet. This function was performed by the pharaoh as chief of all cults - by daily sacrifice for Ma'at --, as well as in his role as ruler - by ensuring that public office was performed according to the principle ofMa'at. The Ancient Egyptians maintained that Ma'at functioned not only in life but also in death. In the alternative reality that Ancient Egypt made of death, order obtained, just as in life. Hence Ma' at was present also in death. The essence of Ancient Egypt is not its structures, such as the pyramids, which never cease to fascinate. This essence has to be sought in the way Ma'at gave unity to this remarkable culture. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die begrip Ma'at is rigtinggewend vir die kultuur van Antieke Egipte. In hierdie kultuur het Ma'at twee verskyningsvorme wat ten nouste met mekaar saamhang: die kultuurbeginsel en die godin. Ma'at as algemene kultuurbeginsel het te doen met die volmaakte orde wat tot stand gekom het in die ontstaansoomblik van die kosmos. Hierdie orde hef chaos en wanorde op en skep volkome ewewig in elke aspek van die kosmos: die natuur, die mensdom, die godedom, die lewe en die dood. Die Antieke Egiptiese literatuur bring aan die lig dat mense hulle lewe ingerig het volgens die beginsel om Ma'at te doen. Waarop dit neergekom het om Ma'at te doen, was om eerlik en regverdig te handel. Op hierdie manier is die orde bewaar en die chaos verhoed. Op die terrein van die religie, wat as 'n besondere aspek van die kultuur in die breë beskou moet word, funksioneer Ma'at in Antieke Egipte as 'n godin. Hierdie godin was 'n veronderstelde wese in eie reg, met 'n kenmerkende voorkoms, 'n geskiedenis, en 'n kultus wat deur die farao en die priesters bedien is. Hoewel die siening van Ma'at in die loop van die lang geskiedenis van Antieke Egipte aansienlik ontwikkel het, was die idee van die begin van die Egiptiese beskawing aanwesig, soos 'n groot verskeidenheid inskripsies laat blyk. Die begrip het in hierdie kultuur van begin tot end 'n bepalende rol bly speel. Tussen Ma'at en die koningskap in Antieke Egipte was daar 'n besonder nou band. Ma'at was van wesenlike belang vir die uitvoering van die koninklike amp: dit was die opdrag van die farao om Ma'at te verwesenlik en daarmee Isfet te vernietig. Hierdie taak het die farao uitgevoer as hoof van alle kultusse -- deur die daaglikse offer wat hy in die belang van Ma'at gebring het --, maar ook in die staatsadministrasie -- deur toe te sien dat amptenare hulle werk doen volgens die beginsel van Ma'at. In Antieke Egipte is daarvan uitgegaan dat Ma'at nie net in die lewe nie, maar ook in die dood funksioneer. In die alternatiewe werklikheid wat Antieke Egiptenare van die dood maak, heers daar ook orde. Ma'at is dus ook daar teenwoordig. Die wese van Antieke Egipte is nie die strukture, soos die piramides, wat nou nog die belangstelling gaande maak nie. Dit moet veel eerder gesoek word in die wyse waarop Ma'at eenheid aan hierdie merkwaardige kultuur gegee het.