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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
31

Travel, home and the space between: A feminist pragmatist approach to transnational identities

Bardwell-Jones, Celia Tagamolila, 1972- 12 1900 (has links)
xi, 195 p. A print copy of this title is available through the UO Libraries under the call number: KNIGHT B105.T73 B37 2007 / This dissertation seeks to recover a notion of agency for those who are caught in the interstices of transnational relationships, which are generally determined by practices of globalization. I examine notions of travel and home as corollary concepts that have been used metaphorically to describe the nature of the multicultural subject. Travel and home both highlight the sense of displacement caused by global capitalist markets as well as the capacity to remake and envision a new community. In this light, travel and home are understood as interpretive processes that guide social transformation in an increasingly multicultural world. I first consider philosophical conceptions of the cosmopolitan self proposed by theorists who work on travel and diaspora. I then use this critical examination as a springboard for thinking about transnational identities, emphasizing themes of home and community as fundamental components for developing a conception of a multicultural self These themes also set the stage for a further consideration of multicultural selves in the context of feminist care ethics and a metaphysics of belonging. In a discussion of feminist care ethics, I examine care by highlighting the transnational relationships that connect one's concrete caring practice to a global context. In order to articulate a metaphysics of belonging. I turn to the work of Josiah Royce and his notion of the "betweenness" relation as it emerges in his theories of provincialism, loyalty and community. This relation becomes the framework for a new understanding of multicultural selves in a transnational context. In extending this analysis to the political context. I consider how a "betweenness" framework emerges through corollary processes of "world-traveling" conceived by María Lugones and "home-making" as theorized by Yen Li Espiritu in establishing transnational feminist communities. I end this dissertation by pointing out new directions in conceiving how a transnational framework might address the political challenges posed by indigenous claims to sovereignty against Asian American practices of settlement. Ultimately, I intend to show how a transnational framework can be a fruitful resource in conceptualizing the multicultural self who can respond to colonialism and oppression in an increasingly globalized world. / Adviser: Scott Pratt
32

IFRS and IPSAS convergence in India : transnational perspectives

Krishnan, Sarada January 2016 (has links)
In common with other countries India has been drawn into a global trend of standardising national accounting practices with international norms to enhance its ability to attract inward foreign investment and gain increased access to global capital markets. In 2004, India committed itself to achieving convergence with International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSAS) in the public sector and in 2007 to International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) in the private sector. Both sectors have taken the route to convergence with clear cut roadmaps being designed by the national accounting standard setters and the state. However, there has been a striking contrast in the decision-making processes and preparations for convergence in the two sectors. While the public sector made relatively good progress in terms of following the scheduled roadmap, the first roadmap issued for the private sector was scrapped, new deadlines were set and the roadmap was replaced in 2013 due to severe delays in the process which as of August 2016 have not yet been fully resolved. This cross-sector comparison is interesting because the contrasting decision-making scenarios in India exist despite the state being the central decision-maker in both sectors. Hence, while much existing literature on standardisation takes the decision to converge as a given and focuses on the implementation of IFRS or IPSAS, the purpose of this thesis is to examine the processes that led to the convergence decisions. Using a transnational governance theoretical lens, this thesis investigates the chaotic routes through which the idea of convergence travels before being finalised as an implementation decision, in both the public and private sectors in India. The research questions focus on unravelling the development of the convergence decision-making process in India, tracing the networks of national and transnational actors driving the process, analysing the two-way interactive dynamics between actors that shaped the process and examining the role of the state as the central decision-maker in the public and private sectors. The research methods included documentary analysis and in-depth interviews with key individuals in India, with substantial knowledge about the decision making with regards to convergence. Key empirical findings are as follows. Firstly, while in the early phases of decision-making, transnational influences, in the form of international financial institutions and standard setting agencies, were equally apparent in both sectors, in subsequent phases the transnational influences were greater and arguably more successful in the public than the private sector. Secondly, local resistance formed and was successful in delaying the project of IFRS convergence in the private sector. Local actors were successful in raising their concerns about, for example, fair value accounting and the impacts of IFRS accounting on taxation, and in the context of a turbulent political environment, their influence was powerful enough to cause delays. Thirdly, the empirics show the significance of foreign governments and inter-governmental regional networks as an important source of influence on the decision to delay IFRS convergence. Specifically, the study demonstrates how India’s position was also affected by the decision of the US, a major trading partner, to delay its convergence with IFRS, and by the informal links with countries such as Japan, another significant economic counterpart. This thesis has three important areas of contributions. Firstly, it makes a significant methodological contribution by studying convergence as a process rather than an event by tracing the dynamics preceding the actual implementation of international accounting standards. Conducting a study in such a manner entails identifying the multiplicity of actors involved in the convergence project, their concerns and opinions with regards to convergence, the means through which they voice these concerns, and the ultimate drivers of the decision-making behind convergence. Therefore, this study draws attention to the significance of understanding and fully accounting for the pre-implementation phase of convergence as such an understanding has a potential to provide a deeper insight into the primary sources of the difficulties with standards implementation observed in many countries. Secondly, this thesis contributes substantially to the existing standardisation literature. In most prior studies the discussion on accounting standardisation broadly revolves around the advantages and disadvantages of convergence, drivers of convergence and issues of compliance with international accounting standards. While this study finds the significant presence of transnational actors, a deeper analysis into the reasons for convergence delays in India was traced to a variety of legislative, political and economic concerns of stakeholders, especially local actors including potential users of these standards. Thirdly, this study contributes to the literature on global governance by highlighting the importance of not losing sight of the nation state as an important player in the transnational governance arena. Specifically, literature on global (accounting) regulation devotes a great deal of attention to the roles of organisations and agencies with transnational remits (such as global standard setters and donor agencies) while often downplaying the significant impacts of the more traditional cross-country links forged through economic relationships and resource dependencies. The aforementioned influences of India’s links with countries such as US and Japan on the decision-making process as well as India’s regional alliances with neighbouring Malaysia and China provide a vivid indication of the important roles of cross-governmental relationships in the global governance arena and also questions the position of transnational organizations as pervasive powers in such governance. The study’s findings clearly demonstrate that the pursuit of full IFRS convergence strongly favoured by the transnational forces was invariably challenged in the Indian context by the influences of powerful nation states advocating a more cautious approach.
33

The international possibilities of insurgency and statehood in Africa : the U.P.C. and Cameroon, 1948-1971

Sharp, Thomas January 2014 (has links)
Amongst Western political scientists and policy-makers, a perceived economic and political ‘crisis’ of the African state since the 1980s has produced a terminology of ‘weak states’, ‘quasi-states’ and ‘failed states’. Such terminology, however, represents a narrow and pathological understanding of the African state, one that has reduced its post-independence trajectory to a series of deviations from an ideal-typical – and largely Eurocentric – model of statehood. The normative standards of this ‘strong’ and ‘successful’ ideal of statehood have, predominantly, been defined by a government’s ability to exercise complete domestic authority, and to provide for the full welfare and development of its population. Within this paradigm, armed conflict, and a government’s reliance on foreign aid, are both seen to represent a country’s ‘lack’ of statehood. The application of these universal standards to Africa has tended to ignore the distinct historical context from which independent African states emerged. Using the example of French Cameroon, this thesis firstly establishes such a historical context, one that was significantly shaped by the limiting and shallow development efforts of colonial administrations. Importantly, however, this context was also constituted by new opportunities for international support that emerged during the post-war period, represented by the newly formed U.N., an increasing number of independent (and former colonial) states, as well as former colonial powers. It is a context that necessitates a more specific set of standards to analyse the exercise of statehood in Africa. The thesis consequently identifies one such standard – or function – of statehood: the ability to control access to external resources, through a claim to represent an internationally recognised state. It is a function in which recourse to external aid, and even armed conflict, become understandable as rational strategies that reinforce statehood in an African context, rather than negate it. The original contribution of the thesis, however, proceeds from identifying this function in a group that was excluded from the institutions, and even territory, of the Cameroonian state. That group was the Union des Populations du Cameroun (U.P.C.); a nationalist party that waged a guerrilla insurgency against Cameroon’s colonial and independent governments, and whose leadership predominantly remained in exile. By locating the U.P.C.’s history within this logic of African statehood, the thesis offers an alternative reading of the party’s campaign, and a means of understanding the relationship between its armed and diplomatic struggles. By examining how the U.P.C. competed with Cameroon’s government to successfully perform a fundamental function of African statehood, the thesis enables a more detailed analysis of its underlying dynamics, and interrogates the basis upon which the party – and indeed the African state – have been conventionally judged as ‘failed’. Finally, the thesis contributes to a growing number of studies that have sought to examine empire and decolonisation from a transnational perspective, studying the complex and contingent relationships between local, national, regional and international histories.
34

Actually Existing Democracy and Energy Justice: The Case of the Coalfields Delegation to the United Nations Commission for Sustainable Development

Schnitzer, Marcy H. 30 December 2010 (has links)
This dissertation explores the concept of Actually Existing Democracy in the transnational public sphere through the experiences of the Coalfields Delegation to the United Nations Commission for Sustainable Development (UNCSD). In particular, this research examines the differential impacts of energy extraction on local communities, and what the term justice might usefully mean in the context of transnational energy politics. I provide an account of justice that engages with the theories of Nancy Fraser and Pierre Bourdieu and mines their insights to provide a novel intervention in debates about justice and the public sphere. I start by defining justice as a transnational construct using theories of the nation-state and then discuss the nature and roles of counterpublics, specifically the Coalfields Delegation, in transnational justice. I then explore Fraser's constructs of redistribution, recognition, and representation, viewing each through Bourdieu's theories of habitus and field. I show that the process through which counterpublics seek justice is mediated through the operations of power in the economic, cultural, and political fields (adopting Fraser's definition of culture over Bourdieu's). To achieve justice, it is insufficient to suggest that movement in a field proceeds directionally; rather, Fraser and Bourdieu are in accord in suggesting that these fields need to be deconstructed (Fraser's term) by counterpublics adopting heterodox practices to challenge the established ordering of the field. Energy injustice, in the particular form of mountaintop removal coal mining, occurs locally, yet is inherently global in its implications through the processes of international trade and consumption. Therefore, the appropriate level at which to examine these seemingly "local" concerns is that of the transnational. In the case of the Coalfields Delegation, appeals have been made at the local, state, and national levels, to no avail. The group pursued several interlinked strategies at the UN. To the extent that their plight is one of economic disparity, the Coalfields Delegation has sought to redefine economic power in a manner different from global capitalism. Where cultural marginalization has been used as a basis for justifying disparate impacts on mining communities, the Delegation decidedly used its own formulation of "culture" as a strategic publicity mechanism. In pursuing representation at the UNCSD, the Delegation began defining its concerns in global terms, suggesting human rights violations, and placing coal mining within the context of global sustainability and climate change. However, in so doing, members of the Delegation started to reconceive themselves in solidarity with other similarly affected groups represented at the UNCSD. Their quest for global redress has not been one of straightforward acts of agency, but rather should be viewed as an oscillation between agency and structure. Fields exert counter-pressure, however, as the Delegation members grew in experience and sophistication, their habitus changed accordingly. My research explores the dynamic play of these social forces by linking the ideas of public sphere and field, counterpublic and habitus, to develop a new way in which researchers might both describe and trace advocacy group efforts to secure justice in the transnational public sphere. / Ph. D.
35

The States System under Globalizations

Lee, Puw 18 February 2003 (has links)
What does the global situation look like after the end of Cold War? To the scholars on the international politics, what they put focus on is the establishment of global order and the configuration of the international society. Compared with the situation during the Cold War era, the changes of political conflicts, development of technology and the nature of human culture have been getting intense and frequent in the past ten years. The main trend of international relationship is the move toward global integration, and that gradually replaces the notion of putting the nation on the center of issues. The importance of transnational units and un-military forces is getting more impressive and powerful. As a result, besides nations, many non-nation units gradually occupy the global stage. The words like non-governmental organizations, transnational corporations and transnational financial institution all become popular in the post- Cold War era as well. That the occurrence of these non-nations stands for the collapse of the boundary of nations has caused impact on the international system consisting of sovereign nations, and the result the impact might cause is the main issue of global change and globalization. What foreseeable is that nations aren¡¦t the sole unit of global politics anymore. The activities of international non-governmental organizations have gradually affected the foreign policy-making of these nations; the expansion of transnational corporations has also directly influenced the change of global economy. Meanwhile, with the move of capitals these transnational corporations need, the role played by the global financial institution deserves more attention. In this dissertation, the words, globalization and globalism, will be properly defined and reviewed. Then, on the basis of understanding the birth of sovereignty and nations, I will discuss the operational rules and the essential parts of nations. Finally, what impact the nations will face in the process of globalization will be analyzed
36

Transnationalism and Integration of Turkish and Romanian Migrants in Western Europe

Pötzschke, Steffen 24 October 2018 (has links)
In today’s world, cultural, social, and economic relationships increasingly transcend national borders. This coincides with high levels of migration and physical mobility across the globe. Therefore, this study investigates the degree that migrants participate in such transnational phenomena and how this participation relates to their integration in the country of residence. To address these questions, the cross-border relationships and practices of Turkish and Romanian migrants in Denmark, Germany, and Italy are examined. The study analyses the degree to which migrants are transnational, by which factors migrants’ transnationalism is determined, and whether transnationalism impacts the social and identificational integration of migrants in their country of residence. With respect to identification, not only the national but also the local level is taken into focus. The use of a unique quantitative dataset allows the study to address the often-voiced need for further quantitative findings on migrants’ transnationalism in Europe and particularly the lack of cross-national studies in this field. Additionally, the analysis goes beyond migration research’s typical focus on transnational connections between migrants’ country of origin and country of residence. The results show that the level of migrants’ transnationalism strongly differs between the measured dimensions of this phenomenon. Moreover, transnational connections and practices of all samples go beyond the dichotomy of origin and residence country, stressing the need to incorporate a broader perspective in migration research. The analysis does not find many effects of transnationalism on social and identificational integration. The few observable effects are in part of a positive and a negative nature. Furthermore, these effects differ across the analysed dimensions of integration. Based on these results, the study highlights that transnationalism and integration are not mutually exclusive.
37

Highly skilled migration and the promotion of entrepreneurship in the UK

Windsor, George January 2015 (has links)
There is a dearth of research on migrant entrepreneurship in the context of contemporary UK policy. At the same time, there is evidence of burgeoning transnational socio cultural connectivity. This thesis evaluates the impact of these conditions on migrant entrepreneurship in a rapidly changing policy environment. Migrant entrepreneurship is viewed differently in academia, policy and public perception. This causes significant policy tensions and disjunctions that are manifest a migration policy system which fails to take into account the agency of migrant entrepreneurs. In a break from previous studies, the migrant entrepreneur s negotiations of power and agency that stem from transnational connections in a contemporary UK context will be addressed. It is important to acknowledge structures of migration policy and economic landscape at national, regional and local scales. Three areas of the UK are addressed; London, focusing on Inner London East, Birmingham and the West Midlands and Cambridgeshire.
38

Transnational actors and anti-poverty policymaking in Ghana : An ideational perspective

2016 June 1900 (has links)
The influence of transnational actors (TNAs) on the policy process in most sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries is widely acknowledged. Yet, studies examining this phenomenon focus mainly on the imposition of policy conditionality and under explore other mechanisms such as ideational processes, which mediate the relationship between national and transnational actors. Focusing on two poverty alleviation policies implemented in Ghana – Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP), and Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (GPRS) –, this study draws on the Transnational Policy Process (TPP) Framework to explore the ideational mechanisms that were instrumental in the development of these two social policies. In order to do so, qualitative case study research methods involving interviews and document reviews are used. This thesis argues that policymaking is multi-causal, which means that focusing exclusively on conditionalities without accounting for the role of ideational and other factors obscure our understanding of the policy process in developing countries. By examining the policy process in Ghana, this study ascertains that, beyond imposition of policies through conditionalities, TNAs also deploy other mechanisms that are mainly ideational in nature. Ideational channels include conferences, field trips, technical cooperation, training and capacity building, as well as collaboration with civil society organizations. Beyond these, TNAs use their memberships in policy structures, such as Ghana’s cross-sectoral planning groups (CSPGs) and sector working groups (SWGs) as a crucial platform to purvey policy innovations. Additionally, in some cases, the mechanisms are also coupled to improve effectiveness. The study also shows the mediating role of national institutions and contexts more generally, a role that makes the adoption of new policy ideas a necessary part of the policy process. Moreover, there is an indication that using ideational mechanisms promotes a sense of policy ownership among national policymakers who actively participate in shaping policies in partnership with transnational actors.
39

Another other : redefining feminism on Al-Jazeera

Williams, Lauren Ann 09 October 2014 (has links)
Women and women’s issues receive a great deal of attention on Al-Jazeera English, increasing the visibility of feminist ideologies in the transnational media and promoting a space for new and greater feminist discourse. This thesis seeks to discover how and why Al-Jazeera undertakes such promotion and what links it possesses to the larger sociopolitical climate of the Middle East as a whole. In pursuit of these goals, the study examines the journalistic content, unconscious style, and linguistic structures used in articles about women on the Al-Jazeera English website to conclude that this attention is primarily supportive of feminist ideologies, though more so with regards to women from areas that fall outside of the regions dominated by the hegemonic Anglo-American media establishment. In circumstances of revolution and change, Al-Jazeera invokes women to highlight their active agency and demonstrate their social power. Where such change is not possible, articles employ more reserved and passive techniques to convey the stagnancy of the situation. When this stagnant situation occurs in the United States or Europe, however, Al-Jazeera journalists express much less sympathy than when similar situations occur in less developed countries. Women from these less developed areas are also highlighted more often in positions of power and influence. Based on this evidence, the study concludes that Al-Jazeera’s attention to women plays a role in a larger movement to develop an ideological culture base without roots in the United States or Europe. By building a feminism tied to local women, Al-Jazeera is providing an alternative to the widespread and diametrically opposed systems of cultural imperialism and stalwart traditionalism. By proving that feminist ideologies can consist of Arab, African, or Indian ideas as much as American or European ones, Al-Jazeera paves the way for discrete ideological development in regions suffering from the aftershocks of cultural appropriation and imperialism. / text
40

The Council of Women World Leaders, Iron Ladies, and Daughters of Destiny: a Transnational Study of Women's Rhetorical Performances of Power

Richards, Rebecca Sue January 2011 (has links)
This dissertation project examines the rhetorical performances of women who hold or have held the highest office of a nation-state. Currently, only 20 women are in such positions of political national leadership. This project asks how these women rhetorically perform--discursively, visually, and through embodied performance--their positions of power and how they are read, time again, against and with other women who have held similar positions in different geopolitical locations. Specifically, I ask how these rhetorical performances open up and/or close down the potential to confront gendered expectations of leadership. I argue that a "woman world leader" is not just a head of state, but also a symbolic heterodoxy that interrupts and reaffirms the doxa of the nation-state as an eternal structure. I analyze three rhetorical situations--autobiographies, the Council of Women World Leaders, and the nickname of "Iron Lady,"--in order to conclude that woman world leaders, as a discourse, can limit the potential for ethical rhetorical action of embodied women as world leaders. I link the function of the discourse of women world leaders to that of the "US presidency," as established by Campbell and Jamieson, in that it creates a transnational tradition of women as leaders. By researching women as world leaders, a subject of curiosity following the 2008 US Presidential campaigns, this project contributes to popular and academic discussions of power, identity, and transnational political participation at the foundation of which are writing, rhetoric, and education.

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