The theory of mediatized war implies that any study of conflict that takes place in modern times must also consider the impact of the media within that conflict, especially including new media and communication technologies. Images as visual representations of war have become a part of the information warfare and used to create narratives rooted in the culture of media witnessing (Mortensen) but sometimes entirely divorced from reality (Baudrillard’s simulacrum). The purpose of this thesis was to study images from two Telegram channels, in order to analyze the visual representation of the Russo-Ukrainian War in 2022. A qualitative content analysis was used on the images, to observe and interpret the visual themes and context of the images. The theoretical framework that was applied to the categories were the theory of the visual, the culture of witnessing in war, and mediatization of war. The results indicate that both channels try to employ features of media witnessing, with a notable difference that the Russian channel presented a more sanitized, gore-less, and staged version of war while the Ukrainian one focused on the casualties and horrors of war. The study contributes to the fields of mediatization of war and visual representation of war by focusing on the previously unstudied material and combining this unique case with a broad theoretical and empirical body of knowledge.

This essay examines how two daily newspapers, the Swedish Dagens Nyheter and the Russian Izvestia retell and report on the Russian-Ukrainian war. The study is based on the theory of propaganda by Garth S. Jowett and Victoria O`Donnell and the media system theory by Daniel C. Hallin and Paolo Mancini which is applied to fifty randomly selected articles from a six-week period. The purpose of this study is to see how further reporting differs between the two newspapers that operate in two different media systems and whether propaganda is visible in the newspapers reporting. The survey is carried out by studying how often Dagens Nyheter and Izvestia report on the Russian- Ukrainian war and if propaganda techniques are used in the published articles. Furthermore, the terms used to describe the war in the two newspapers are also examined.  The study is based on a quantitative content analysis where articles were collected over a six-week period as empirical material. The articles were coded in a code-scheme and the results are presented in three diagrams and one chart.The study resulted in marked differences between Dagens Nyheter and Izvestia`s reporting where propaganda is strongly prominent in the Russian newspapers Izvestia and non-existent in the Swedish Dagens Nyheter. Additional results that this study promotes are that the newspapers construct, report and describe the war in two completely different ways. / Denna studie undersöker hur två dagstidningar konstruerar och rapporterar om det Rysk-ukrainska kriget ur ett propagandateoretiskt perspektiv samt ur ett mediesystemteoretiskt perspektiv. Tidningarna som undersöks är den svenska tidningen Dagens Nyheter och den ryska tidningen Izvestia. Syftet med denna undersökning är att se hur vidare rapporteringen skiljer sig åt mellan de två tidningarna som verkar i två olika mediesystem samt om propaganda är synlig i de två tidningarnas rapportering. Undersökningen sker genom att studera hur ofta Dagens Nyheter respektive Izvestia rapporterar om det Rysk-ukrainska kriget samt om propagandatekniker används i de publicerade artiklarna. Vidare undersöks vilka termer som används för att beskriva kriget i de båda tidningarna.  Studien grundar sig i en kvantitativ innehållsanalys där artiklar samlats in under en sexveckorsperiod som empiriskt material. Artiklarna kodas i ett kodschema och resultatet presenteras i tre diagram och en tabell.Studien resulterade i markanta skillnader mellan Dagens Nyheters och Izvestias rapportering, där propaganda är starkt framträdande i den ryska tidningen Izvestia och obefintlig i Dagens Nyheter. Ytterligare resultat som studien visar är att tidningarna konstruerar, rapporterar och beskriver kriget på två skilda sätt.

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Immersion and narration opportunities, whether linear or not, provided by the medium of interactive digital games offer a wide variety of ways to immerse players in the world in front of them on the screen and to engage users’ interaction with information presented. This thesis documents a new interactive digital narrative game and presents an analysis of its genre and narrative mythological frames. The introduction paragraph opens on the importance of the chosen topic and its relevance to the wider media and general public. I review theoretical and fictional works - studied for this thesis and explain the importance of every source, as well as main theories and ideas that have served as current fundamentals of this thesis’ end project - a video game, such as to why it is specifically important to not only showcase historical aspects in media, but also folk, mythological, and ethnic traditions to properly represent the culture, backing it up with established theoretical guidelines of designing a proper interactive digital narrative. The methodology section presents an explanation for the time frames chosen and research methods applied and discussed over with the thesis chair. The proposal concludes with possible application of the video game in different areas outside of entertainment purposes, such as educational or cultural research areas, for example.

The thesis deals with the Ukrainian monarchist movement on the territory of Czechoslovakia in the interwar period. It describes its ideological origin, development, number of adherents, relations with other Ukrainian political movements and its cooperation with Czechoslovakian agrarian organizations. It tries to analyze its relation to the European centre of Hetmanite movement. It also pays attention to the Czech attitude to this movement. Further on, the thesis studies the accounts which the Czechoslovakian police and intelligence services held of the activities of Skoropadsky's adherents in Czechoslovakia and abroad. The last chapter is dedicated to the life and deeds of Nykyfor Horbanyuk, Ivan Poltavets-Ostrianytsia's representative in Prague.

本論文命題中心是：藉由地緣政治、政治文化及政治菁英的研究角度來探討形成與爆發烏克蘭橙色革命的重要因素？ 首先、本論文選擇由地緣政治的角度來檢視烏克蘭橙色革命國際層次的影響要件，並試圖說明：第一、美國在蘇聯解體後，對於獨立國協區域的權力競逐並未鬆懈。第二、俄羅斯儘管專注致力於本國經濟的發展，但與美國在烏克蘭的權力競逐，在2004年大選中顯示出俄國不計手段也要獲取勝利。第三、歐盟在地緣與烏克蘭有著實質經貿的互動利益，對於權力的競逐，歐盟希望烏克蘭是一個遵守民主國家遊戲規則的朋友。而此三項國際競逐形成橙色革命的爆發背景之一。 其次、本論文也從政治文化的角度來探討烏克蘭東西部歷史文化的發展差異對於政治參與的影響。期望可以印證烏克蘭在蘇聯解體後，國民對於國家認同的提高對於選情的影響以及與橙色革命的因果關係。 最後、本論文以政治菁英的研究角度來觀察烏克蘭大選中菁英們對於權力的競逐。本章節選擇從庫奇馬執政時期開始說明烏克蘭政治菁英彼此的政治恩怨鬥爭，並藉由該研究得到影響橙色革命的關連要件。 所以本論文認為，烏克蘭橙色革命絕不僅僅只是一場人民對選舉舞弊不滿所造成的革命運動。橙色革命背後確實隱含著來自國際、國內與政治決策著的權力競逐關係。 / This study attempts to examine the important elements behind Ukraine's Orange Revolution from three dimensions: geopolitics, political culture, and political elites. From the perspective of geopolitics, this thesis discusses three international actors that effect the outbreak of Orange Revolution in Ukraine. First, after the disintegration of Soviet Union, the United States endeavors to extend his own power to the area of C.I.S. The U.S., therefore, wants to influence on 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election. Second, though Russia concentrates on economic development, Russia never loosens its grip on C.I.S. The 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election in Ukraine gives Russia a chance to expel American influence from Ukraine. Third, the European Union and Ukraine have commercial interests. The EU countries hope that Ukraine will transform into a truly democratic country, so they will make an influence on 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election. From the perspective of political culture, this study discusses how the historically developmental differences between western and eastern parts of Ukraine influence national identification and the electoral votes. From the perspective of political elites, this study discusses the power struggle among political elites from Kuchima period to 2004 presidential election and its impact on the outbreak of Orange Revolution. In conclusion, this study reveals that besides the people’s expectation for democracy, the Orange Revolution implies reasons from international power politics, national identification and the Ukrainian elite’s competitions for political power. / В 2004 году на Украине произошла Оранжевая Революция. Это событие произошло не только из-за коррупции во время выборов президента. Еще другие важные причины повлияли на это. В этой статье представлены три точки зрения на геополитику, политическую культуру и элиту Украинской Оранжевой Революции. Статья делится на три части. Во-первых, после распада Советского Союза в пространстве СНГ существует пустота влияния сегодняшней России. Эта ситуация соответствует американским интересам и позволяет США воздействовать на СНГ. Украинские президентские выборы были шансом для США увеличить влияние на Украину (одна большая страна СНГ). Хотя за последние годы Россия старается увеличить своё экономическое развитие и получает большое достижение, влияние России на страны СНГ продолжает снижаться. Давно Россия считает Украину частью России. И не может терпеть Америку, которая вносит её влияние в СНГ, в частности на Украину. Украинские президентские выборы были конкуренцией с Америкой. Страны СНГ- это соседние государства ЕС. Между ЕС и странами СНГ существуют реальные торговые отношения, представляющие большие интересы. Страны ЕС хотят, чтобы Украина была настоящей демократической страной, как европейские страны. И так, они склоняются на сторону США. Во-вторых, на Украине между западом и востоком существует своя история. Люди на востоке склоняются на сторону России, а на западе - считают себя частью Европейских стран. Разница выражается в различных национальных выражениях. По сей день, через 13 лет после распада СССР, в Украине сформировалась национальная самоидентификация. Граждане постепенно считают себя украинцами, а не русскими. В президентских выборах 2004 года поддержка России Виктора Януковича утратила силу, и коррупция на выборах вызвала споры и революцию. Кроме того, Оранжевая Революция – это результат борьбы политических элит времен правления Кучмы и выборной кампании 2004 года. Итак, можно сделать вывод, что Оранжевая Революция произошла не случайно, так как давно существовали проблемы во внешней и внутренней политике. Ключевые слова: США, Россия, ЕС, геополитика, политическая культура, украинские президентские выборы, Оранжевая Революция, Кучма

This diploma thesis points out differences in the reporting methods of CTK and CT, the two public service's media, regarding the Ukrainian crisis. The theoretical part of the thesis focuses on both of these media's properties with emphasis on their foreign coverageas well as related medial terms' definitions. One chapter is reserved to cover Ukraine as a state and its political history since the SovietUnion's disintegration through to 2014 and the Ukrainian crisis development; further studying the relationship between Ukraine and the Russian Federation resulting in the crisis in 2013. In the practical part of the thesis quantitative and qualitative methods are used to determine how much attention and screen-time both media dedicated to the crisis, which parties were given opportunities to comment and identify other sources of information. Keeping in mind the fact that CT had four reporters on site at it's disposal, the thesis tries to find out how big of an influence that had on the overall production, processing and tone of the television news and to what degree the production of both media agreed or diverged.

This diploma thesis Analysis of the Czech translation of Yuri Vynnychuk's collection of short stories Chachacha is devoted to the analysis of translation solutions of selected linguistic features in two short stories - Chachacha and Kulparkiv, aneb Chachacha 2. The goal of this work is to assess translation methods of Rita Kindlerová, describe its possible positives and negatives. Introductory chapters deal with the biography of Yuri Vynnychuk, his classification in a literal context, general characteristics of his work and consequently the stylistic analysis of two excerpted texts. An integral part of the work is definition of theoretical base for translatological analysis. Main parts of the work are focused on the analysis of translation of specific linguistic features, which are the stylistic dominants of selected texts: stylization of speech, style differentiation, phraseme and selected culture- specific items with an emphasis on proper nouns.

This dissertation is dedicated to the Ukraine writter Oksana Zabuzhko. At the beginning I'm describing literary-historical and biografical circumstances which led to the birth of her creation. Then I'm focusing on the charasteristic of her prosaic work and her style of writing including the very detailed analysis of her collections of stories named " Sister, sister". This dissertation is as well describing the position of female literature in the present Ukraine literacy process and Oksana Zabuzhko 's part in its development. Second part of my dissertation is focused on the analysis of the translated story called "Girls", from the collection of stories "Sister, sister". Evalution criterions are in this case the questions of equivalence - adequacy of the translation, translation of (un)translatable lexical units in Czech, the problems with translations of facts, translation of foreign languages' parts in original text and reproduction Olga Zabuzkova's style in all levels - syntactic, lexical and expressive as well. Minor mistakes in the translation to the Czech version were revealed during the research, but overall the translation is rated as a very successful one. The translator succeed in transfering of artistic values and pragmatic effect of the original work into Czech language.