The Iran's nuclear program makes really deep wrinkles to the United States as one of the main supporters of peace and stability in the world. Despite the fact that Iran has not showed any tests of its nuclear weapons, the USA still tends to destroy Iranian nuclear facilities to protect its national interests. The aim of the thesis is not only to analyze US foreign policy towards Iran but also to deal with the issue of the US non-intervention of Iranian territory to halt the Iranian nuclear program.

The aim of the thesis is to describe and analyze comparatively spa tourism in the United States in relation to European countries. The thesis is divided into two parts, theoretical and practical. The theoretical part presents definitions and characteristics of general terms concerning spa tourism. After that there is approached importance of the spas in the tourism sector and health care. Particular attention is paid to the field of wellness, which is one of the most important components of spa tourism in the US. The practical part presents the characteristics of the United States from the perspective of basic and economic data and subsequently within the particular forms of tourism. The main part of this thesis presents a chapter devoted to the characteristics of spa tourism in the US, where is a briefly presented historical development of the spas, as well as the organizational framework and significant Spa Associations. Subsequent analysis of spa tourism, as well as the wellness area defines on the basis of statistical data the current state of spa tourism and its position in the United States to other countries. The final part presents selected spas in terms of significance of the occurrence of natural healing resources, and also in terms of tourist importance.

The thesis deals with importance of European Recovery Program (Marshall plan) for Irish economy. The aim is to analyse whether the Marshall plan aid was in the case of Ireland rather a political decision or an economic necessity. In the first half of 20th century the economic and political development was adherent to Great Britain, although Ireland was anxious to break this bound since the foundation of the Free State. Second World War neutrality and disputable survey of post-war Irish economy caused bitter relationships with the United States and therefore even harder communication in the case of Marshall plan. Prevailing and historically determinated Irish isolationism and nationalism, trading orientation mainly on Great Britain, undeveloped economy and scepticism about the leading role of the United States in post-war world and economic integration of Europe in consequence led to the fact that Ireland was one of least developed countries in western Europe in the beginning of 1960s, even though it adopted the Marshall plan.

This master thesis deals with the specifics of the business environment of the United States of America as one of the most important economies in the world. The aim is to analyze main aspects of current US business environment according to the PEST analysis methodology and based on this analysis then identify its basic advantages and disadvantages. The paper then should provide comprehensive information to entrepreneurs considering the development of their business activities in the US market. To achieve the goal the thesis is divided into four chapters.

Cette thèse analyse la manière dont les métaphores et les comparaisons de Harper Lee ont été traduites dans les trois versions françaises de To Kill a Mockingbird, un des romans les plus célèbres de la littérature américaine. Comme point de départ, nous examinons les théories existantes sur la traductologie et les figures de style, ce qui nous aide à comprendre la fonction de la métaphore et de la comparaison au sein d’un texte littéraire. Par la suite, nous étudions les métaphores et comparaisons qui n’ont pas pu être traduites aisément, souvent à cause de leur charge culturel. Paradoxalement, les connotations et les références culturelles jouent un rôle important dans l’œuvre de Lee, et elles sont indispensables pour la reconstruction de son univers à l’étranger. Afin de traduire l’intraduisible, le traducteur doit recourir à des stratégies complexes et variées, parfois faisant preuve d’une grande créativité. Un chapitre entier est donc consacré aux traductions inventives où le traducteur se transforme en écrivain. En effet, on se pose des questions sur le rôle du traducteur : doit-il rester passif ou est-il libre de façonner le texte cible comme il le souhaite ? Le dernier chapitre se focalise sur les similitudes entre le français et l’anglais, grâce auxquelles un passage fluide d’une langue à l’autre est souvent possible. Dans chaque version, nous observons des tendances méthodologiques et stylistiques, qui varient selon l’époque et/ou les préférences de chaque traducteur. Étant donné que la traduction parfaite n’existe pas, nous concluons que chaque nouvelle version contribue à sa manière à l’expérience du lecteur dans la langue cible. / This thesis analyses the way in which Harper Lee’s metaphors and similes have been translated in the three French versions of To Kill a Mockingbird, one of the most famous novels in American literature. As a starting point, we examine the existing theories regarding Translation Studies and stylistic devices, which helps us to understand the purpose of metaphors and similes within a literary text. We then study those metaphors and similes that could not be translated with ease, mainly owing to their cultural significance. Paradoxically, cultural connotations and references play a significant role in Lee’s work, and they are indispensable in reconstructing her universe abroad. In order to translate the untranslatable, the translator has to resort to complex and diverse strategies, sometimes demonstrating a high level of creativity. An entire chapter is therefore devoted to inventive translations where the translator becomes a writer in his or her own right. Indeed we ask ourselves several questions about the role of a translator : should he remain passive or is he free to shape the target text as he desires? The final chapter focuses on the similarities between French and English, thanks to which a swift passage between the two languages is often possible. In each version, we notice methodological and stylistic trends that vary according to the publication date and/or the preferences of each translator. Given that there is no such thing as a perfect translation, we come to the conclusion that every new version contributes in its own way to the reader’s experience in the target language.

Depuis leur fondation en 1870, les Témoins de Jéhovah ont connu une croissance spectaculaire jusqu’en 1995, dans les pays dont la religion dominante est le christianisme. Puis, un ralentissement progressif de leur croissance a été constaté au milieu des années 1990, en particulier dans les pays industrialisés. Par ailleurs, leur croissance a connu un succès inégal d’un pays à l’autre. Ainsi, en 2017, il y avait un Témoin de Jéhovah pour 50 habitants en Guadeloupe, un Témoin pour 112 habitants à la Barbade et un Témoin pour 263 habitants aux Etats-Unis. La présente recherche doctorale a étudié plusieurs facteurs de croissance, en empruntant les concepts des sociologues états-uniens Ryan Cragun et Ronald Lawson ainsi Rodney Stark et Lawrence Iannacone liant la croissance d’un groupe religieux à l’interaction entre l’offre religieuse qui est la sienne et la demande religieuse du pays où il s’est implanté. Une recherche documentaire a été effectuée passant en revue l’histoire et l’évolution de ce mouvement religieux. Puis, une méthode qualitative a été adoptée, à travers des entretiens menés auprès de dizaines de Témoins au cours de plusieurs années ainsi qu’une observation participante, afin de mieux connaître le mouvement, ses doctrines mais aussi la motivation des fidèles. Ensuite, une méthode quantitative a été appliquée à travers une enquête menée auprès de centaines de Témoins de Jéhovah à la Barbade en Guadeloupe et aux États-Unis d’Amérique. Les spécificités de ces trois pays expliquent en partie la différence de croissance constatées au sein du groupe religieux étudié. / Since their founding in 1870, Jehovah's Witnesses have experienced spectacular growth until 1995, in the country where Christianity predominates. A gradual slowdown in growth was then observed, particularly in the industrialized countries in the mid-1990s. Moreover, their growth has been successfully imbalanced from one country to another. Thus, in 2017, there was a Jehovah's Witness for 50 people in Guadeloupe, one for 112 people in Barbados and one for 263 in the United States.This PhD thesis examines several growth factors, borrowing from the concepts of American sociologists Ryan Cragun and Ronald Lawson as well as Rodney Stark and Lawrence Iannacone, linking the growth of a religious group to the interaction between religious offerings and religious demand. in the country where the religious group settled. A literature search was conducted to examine the history and evolution of this religious movement. In addition to that, a qualitative method was adopted in interviews with dozens of Witnesses over several years and with participant observation, in order to better understand the movement, its doctrines, but also the motivations of the members. Then, a quantitative method was applied to a survey of hundreds of Jehovah's Witnesses in Barbados, in Guadeloupe and the United States of America. The specificities of these three countries partly explain the differences in growth observed in the religious group studied. / Depi fondasyon yo nan lane 1870, Temwen Jewova yo te gen yon kwasans espektakilè jiska 1995, nan peyi kote dominasyon relijyon se krisyanis la. Lè sa a, yon ralentissement gradyèl nan kwasans yo te obsève patikilyèman nan peyi yo endistriyalize nan mitan ane 1990 yo. Anplis, li te kwasans yo te dezekilibre siksè soti nan yon peyi a yon lòt. Kidonk, nan 2017, te gen yon Temwen Jewova pou 50 moun nan Gwadloup, yon Temwen pou 112 moun nan Barbad ak yon Temwen pou 263 moun nan Etazini yo.Rechèch doktora prezan an etidye plizyè faktè kwasans, prete konsèp sosyolojis ameriken Ryan Cragun ak Ronald Lawson ak Rodney Stark ak Lawrence Iannacone ki lye kwasans yon gwoup relijye nan entèraksyon ant òf relijye ki se li ak demann relijye nan peyi kote li te etabli tèt li. Yon rechèch literati te fèt revize istwa a ak evolisyon sa a mouvman relijye yo. Answit, yo te adopte yon metòd kalitatif, nan entèvyou ak plizyè douzèn Temwen sou plizyè ane ak yon obsèvasyon patisipan, pou pi byen konprann mouvman an, doktrin li yo, men tou motivasyon fidèl yo. Lè sa a, yon metòd quantitative te aplike nan yon sondaj sou dè santèn de Temwen Jewova nan Barbad nan Gwadloup ak nan Etazini. Espesifikite yo nan twa peyi sa yo eksplike an pati diferans nan kwasans obsève nan gwoup relijye etidye.

Le Liban est l’une des nations où la construction de l’Etat s’est révélée inachevée dans la seconde moitié du 20ème siècle. Cet Etat était donc incapable de régler les crises politiques internes et de limiter l’impact des conflits régionaux et internationaux dont il a été victime. L’aggravation des crises au Liban, leur transformation en conflits armés, à partir de 1958, ont constitué des menaces pour la paix et la sécurité internationale. Les grandes puissances et l’O.N.U. n’ont pu dénouer les crises libanaises. Néanmoins, la communauté internationale ne s’est jamais désengagée à l’égard du Liban. Deux puissances occidentales, ayant des influences indéniables au Liban, se sont trouvées constamment face au problème libanais, après la Seconde guerre mondiale : la France et les Etats-Unis. Cette thèse examine les diplomaties française et américaine à l’épreuve des crises libanaises depuis 1958 jusqu’à 2008, leurs convergences et surtout leurs divergences. Il s’agit de comparer et expliquer leurs attitudes, leurs initiatives, leurs motivations, leurs intentions et leurs buts à court, à moyen et à long terme. L’objectif est de montrer dans quelle mesure l’enjeu libanais a fait l’objet d’un différend entre Paris et Washington, constituant une source d’affrontement et de rivalité entre eux, et d’examiner comment leurs politiques ont influé – ou non – sur les crises récurrentes au Liban. On peut constater que la France et les Etats-Unis n’ont pu empêcher la transformation de la crise en conflit armé, et ont échoué pour éviter la décomposition de l’Etat libanais face à l’enjeu arabo-palestinien qui a pesé entre 1958 et 1982. De même, les deux pays ont été impuissants, depuis 1982, pour rétablir la souveraineté de l’Etat et restaurer son effectivité face à l’enjeu syro-iranien. A vrai dire, les Etats-Unis ont toujours refusé de déployer les efforts nécessaires pour régler les causes du problème libanais. La France avait l’intention de le faire, mais elle était incapable en raison de l’inaction volontaire des Etats-Unis sur la question palestinienne. La divergence franco-américaine vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe, depuis 1967, n’a pas permis de formuler une coopération franco-américaine concrète et constructive qui puisse contribuer à mettre fin à la guerre libanaise et trouver une solution définitive au problème libanais interne qui est resté lié aux évolutions géopolitiques dans la région. Cette constatation permet de comprendre la situation actuelle qui est inquiétante pour l’avenir du Liban et démontre la limite du rôle des puissances. / Lebanon is a nation where the construction of the State is still unachieved in the second half of the 20th century. In fact, this State was incapable to settle political internal crises and limit the impact of regional and international conflicts from which it was suffering. And it was the aggravation of crises in Lebanon and their transformation to armed conflicts as of 1958 that threatened peace and international security. Great powers and the U.N. did not indeed succeed in resolving Lebanese crises. Nevertheless, the international community never disengaged itself from Lebanon. There are two Western powers with an undeniable influence in Lebanon that were constantly facing the Lebanese issue after World War II: France and the United States. This thesis looks into the French and U.S. diplomacies facing the Lebanese crises from 1958 till 2008, as well as their convergences and mostly their divergences. It will compare and explain their attitudes, initiatives, motivations, intentions and objectives on the short, medium and long terms. The aim is to show to which extent the Lebanese issue was the subject of a disagreement between Paris and Washington originating confrontation and rivalry between both countries, and to study how their policies influenced – or not – recurrent crises in Lebanon. In fact, France and the United States did not succeed to prevent the transformation of the crisis into an armed conflict, and failed to avoid the collapse of the Lebanese State facing the Arab- Palestinian issue that strongly weighted on the situation between 1958 and 1982. Furthermore, both countries were unable since 1982 to re-establish the State sovereignty and restore its effectiveness facing the Syria-Iran issue. In fact, the United States always refused to deploy the necessary efforts to resolve the causes of the Lebanese problem. France had the intention to do it but it was incapable because of the voluntary inaction of the United States on the Palestinian issue. The French-American divergent opinions on the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1967 did not help formulate any tangible and constructive cooperation between France and the United States that would contribute to end the Lebanese war and find a permanent solution to internal problems in Lebanon that remained linked to the region’s geopolitical developments. This observation helps to understand the current situation, which is worrying for the country’s future, and demonstrates the limits of the Great powers’ role.

This study has been primarily concerned with the pattern of economic development and the role of the multinational corporations (MNC's) in that process in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Two contrasting theoretical frameworks were adopted to assess the pattern of economic development followed in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia from 1970 through 1983. The first theoretical perspective is the neoclassical approach to economic development which postulates that the productive resources at the disposal of a country and the institutions developed to guide the prudent use of them are paramount to a balanced development. On the other hand, Hymer's contrasting perspective is based on the Law of Uneven Development. Essentially, Hymer claimed that inequality is built into the growth mechanisms of the present day world capitalist economic system that shapes the international economy through the agency of the multinational corporations. Therefore, any involvement by the MNC's is necessarily hierarchical, and characterized by dominance and dependence as well as wealth and poverty, particularly between the industrial countries of Western Europe and North America and the less developed countries in the Third World societies. Ironically, the Saudi Arabian case shows that Hymer's Law of Uneven Development is questionable. First, instead of the location of a country in the international economic system as the determinant of high standards and even development, the natural endowment translated into surplus capital must be viewed as the key to that process. Second, Saudi Arabian surplus capital was aided by foreign technologies, especially from multinationals based in the United States. In this connection, the MNC's played a positive role through their supplies of skilled manpower and efficient technologies to transform the desert of Saudi Arabia into a world class center of modern infrastructures and industrial complexes. Thus, the intervention of the multinationals in Saudi Arabian economic development has led to a situation of shared benefits; in which the interests of both the host country and the transnational enterprises have been well served. Finally, the Saudi Arabian experience demonstrates that it is possible for the parent country, the host country and the multinationals as parties to the investment process to adjust to each other with mutual trust instead of conflict and confrontation which had characterized many Third World countries' and multinationals' dealings in recent years.

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The United States Whistleblower Program’s inadequate protections have placed the privacy and confidentiality rights of United States taxpayers in a vulnerable state. By using the United States Whistleblower Program as an example, this paper seeks to illustrate the risk of eroding the confidentiality and privacy rights of the taxpayer, which is a risk that other national and international governments should likewise attempt to mitigate in their own whistleblower protection programs.