Thesis--Rostock. / Bibliography: p. vii-ix.

Thesis--Rostock. / Bibliography: p. vii-ix.

Les espaces forestiers occupent à l’Époque contemporaine, vers 1830 – 1960 un sixième de la partie septentrionale et centrale du Vexin français, petite région du bassin parisien située au nord-ouest de Paris (France). Les espaces forestiers participent à la trame des paysages sous forme de massifs, de bois, de bosquets diversement localisés dans l’espace vexinois. Ils gagnent 1700 ha en cent trente ans, 3 % du territoire. Cette progression inégalement répartie aboutit à une retouche ponctuelle des paysages. Elle résulte d’une succession de boisements et de déboisements mêlés dans le temps et dans l’espace. Les nouveaux espaces forestiers, issus de l’emboisement des délaissés de culture et de plantations, qui constituent 40 % de bois sur la période, contribuent au renouvellement des formations boisées. Ces espaces forestiers sont quasi totalement privés, répartis entre des milliers de propriétaires, partagés de façon inégalitaire. Quelques dizaines en détiennent 60 % de la surface, quelques centaines de moyens et petits en possèdent un quart, des milliers de très petits propriétaires en disposent de moins de 15 %. Des nombreux transferts de propriétés, majoritairement réalisés par transactions produisent des recompositions des propriétés forestières qui ne remettent pas en cause l’architecture d’ensemble des structures foncières. Les propriétaires forestiers sont en majorité des ruraux. Mais, l’exode rural qui touche le Vexin, les transformations de l’agriculture, l’essor de villes bordières et de leurs activités, et surtout la croissance économique et démographique de Paris et de sa banlieue entrainent une réduction du nombre des propriétaires ruraux et de la surface de leurs bois. Les propriétaires citadins, surtout «parisiens» se renforcent en nombre et en surface boisée qui dépasse celle des ruraux au milieu du XXe siècle. Initialement marquée par la proximité, la résidence des propriétaires de bois se dissémine, davantage en Vexin, dans les vallées périphériques, dans toute la région parisienne et le territoire national. Les actifs liés au travail de la terre et à la vie des campagnes régressent en nombre et en surface boisée. Les acteurs de l’économie moderne centrée sur les villes, ainsi que quelques gros agriculteurs renforcent leurs possessions forestières. Les propriétaires forestiers en Vexin sont des propriétaires fonciers dont une partie des fonds est composée de bois. La part des bois est proportionnelle à la dimension des propriétés globales. Elle se renforce pour toutes les catégories foncières. Les valeurs fiscales des bois, nombreuses, révèlent leur diversité. La progression en surface des bois affectés de valeurs hautes est un indice de l’amélioration de la qualité des peuplements, celle des valeurs faibles est un indicateur de l’apparition de nouveaux espaces forestiers. La production sylvicole demeure le principal usage des espaces boisés. Initialement, la production de bois était dévolue principalement à la satisfaction des besoins en bois de feu pour la population locale et en bois d’œuvre pour les activités artisanales. La part de production destinée aux villes voisines et à Paris s’est intensifiée. La diminution de l’utilisation du bois de chauffage et la demande accrue en bois d’œuvre avec la croissance de la région parisienne a favorisé le renforcement des taillis sous futaie et celui des plantations.Les usages sociaux de forêts comme la chasse se renouvellent tandis que d’autres liés au monde urbain apparaissent tels les centres de santé associés aux bois ou les circuits de randonnées qui les parcourent. / In 1830-1960, forested areas occupied in the modern era, a sixth of the northern and central part of the French Vexin, a small region of the Paris basin located north-west of Paris (France). The forest areas participate in the fabric (structure) of landscapes in the form of massifs, woods, groves, diversely located in the Vexin region. They earn 1700 ha in one hundred and thirty years, or 3% of the territory. This unevenly distributed progression leads to a specific retouching of the landscapes. It results from a succession of afforestation and deforestation mixed in time and space. The new forest areas, resulting from the afforestation of abandoned areas of crops and plantations, which constitute 40% of wood over the period, contribute to the renewal of woodlands. These forest areas are almost completely private, divided between thousands of owners, unequally shared. A few dozen hold 60% of the surface, a few hundred medium and small own a quarter, thousands of very small owners have less than 15%. Numerous property transfers, mostly made through transactions, result in the reconstruction of forest properties that do not affect the overall architecture of the land structures. The forest owners are mostly rural people. But the rural exodus that touches the Vexin, the transformations of agriculture, the development of bordering towns and their activities, and especially the economic and demographic growth of Paris and its suburbs lead to a reduction in the number of rural owners and the surface of their woods. Urban owners, notably the "Parisians", are growing in number and wooded area. They exceed that of rural people in the middle of the twentieth century. Initially marked by their proximity, the woods owners residences spread further in Vexin, the peripheral valleys, throughout the Paris region and the national territory. The assets related to the work of the land and the life of the countryside are declining in number and on wooded surface. The actors of the modern economy centered on the cities, as well as some large scale farmers reinforce their possessions of forest.The forest owners of Vexin are landowners for whom part of their property consists of woods. The share of woods is proportional to the size of their global properties. It is trending up for all the land categories. The numerous woods tax values reveal their diversity. The surface progression of high-value woods is an indication of the improvement of (planted) wood species in the woods, the low tax values are an indicator of the emergence of new forest areas. Forestry production remains the main use of the wooded areas. Initially, wood production was mainly intended to meet firewood needs for the local population and softwood lumber for craft activities. The share of production destined for neighboring towns and Paris has intensified. The decrease in the use of firewood and the increased demand for softwood lumber linked to the growth of the Paris region has encouraged the strengthening of coppice groves and plantations. The social uses of the forest, such as hunting, are renewed while others linked to the urban world appear, i.e.: health centers associated with woods, hiking circuits that run through them…

Rapid advancement of the Internet and Information technology has not only affected our lives, but also affected our way of learning. Based on the Uses and Gratifications theory, the primary purpose of this study is the interrelationship between motivation and gratification level, and that between activities and personality of the employees who participate in the enterprise e-learning portal. The main findings of this study are as followed: 1. employees who have Internet at home have a stronger motivation on e-learning than those who have do not. 2. employees who have a higher goal-oriented and learning-oriented motivation spend more time on information searching, on-line learning, course discussions and on-line interacting than those who have a lower motivation. 3. no obvious difference is found between different on-line activities and gratifications, but there appears certain distance between motivation and gratification.

This thesis is concerned with the transition of radio as a medium and its significance for listeners in Finland. It is based on an analysis of radio listening data collected in 1993 and 1999. The main focus is on everyday uses and meanings of radio listening. The major conclusions are as follows: 1 The transition of modern radio at a technical, institutional and programming 2 3 4 level has been reflected in the geographical, textual and technological . mobility of radio. The meaning of geographical mobility to the listener is in changing listening situations during a day, which makes listening a plural concept. Individual differences in listening are seen in three listening profiles, i.e. the enthusiast, the selective and the indifferent listeners. The meaning of textual mobility to the listener lies in the contextuality of listening: texts have different meanings in different listening situations. The meaning of technological mobility to the listener lies in the individuality of different media. Within radio high channel loyalty makes for low technological mobility. However, listeners show much mobility between different media in their daily routines. Radio is distinctive compared to other media in that it has been replaced by television. Recordings have fragmented listening in households and the print media are competing for listeners' time. Overall, the mobility of radio in everyday life is a highly complex concept, meaning different things to different listeners. Although radio is regarded as an invisible and secondary media, it occupies a special socio-technical space in listeners'· everyday life. Changes in media scenery and the integration of digital radio technology with other media means that listening is set to become even more mobile in the future

Thesis (doctoral)--Université Lausanne.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Göttingen.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Halle-Wittenberg.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Breslau.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Breslau.