Electromagnetic induction (EMI) has been used in archaeology for decades, but still lags in use and development when compared to magnetometry and ground-penetrating radar. While it has become more popular than electrical resistivity area survey, it is now less commonly used than electrical resistivity tomography. The EMI method is likely underutilized due to drift problems and a lack of multi-sensor, vehicle-towed systems capable of rapid, high-density data collection. In this article we demonstrate not only the effectiveness of EMI survey, but a case where entire villages would have remained undetected without it. At the Singer-Hieronymus Site in central Kentucky, USA, a vehicle-towed frequency domain EMI survey detected the location of plazas, residential areas, and trash disposal areas across multiple Fort Ancient villages that contained both intact and heavily disturbed deposits. Additionally, three new villages were revealed. Through this process, we discovered how Fort Ancient village dynamics may be studied through a geophysical investigation of village shape, size, and spatial organization.

The work is focused on the activation church St. Leonard, the only remnant of the village Musov reminds of the area, which culminated in the construction of Musov reservoir, inundation of village and forced eviction of the population. Activation is based on creation of access´s opportunities to the church through the system of islands and buildings.

Updating places and activities that enable people to live fully in the village.

There are a quarters in Brno that have no public centre which is represent by square. There could be also squares that have low quality. The diploma project is looking for common feature and oportunities how to act in developing new public spaces at that areas from concept of whole city to single public space.

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No description available.

Urban redevelopment is increasingly used as a policy tool for economic growth by local governments in Chinese cities, which is taking place amid rapid urbanization and in an expanding globalized economy. Along with the spatial transformation, urban redevelopment often entails socioeconomic change in the form of processes of gentrification, which is propelled by the dominance of neoliberal market-oriented policy and practice in the country. This thesis analyzes the spatial political economy of urban redevelopment in China through a case study on Baishizhou urban village in Shenzhen in south-eastern China. Setting out from the broad concern over urban inequality, socio-spatial segregation, ‘the right to the city’, and sustainability in contemporary critical urban theory, the thesis constructs a theoretical framework involving the concepts of neoliberal urbanism, gentrification, sustainable urban development, as well as ‘bottom-up urbanism’ approaches. Employing this framework, the case study conducts a macro-level city comprehensive plan analysis, a meso-level urban village redevelopment site plan analysis, and micro-level interview study and ethnographic observations of everyday life and space in the urban village. On the basis of this study, the thesis makes the arguments that: Neoliberal urbanism is certainly active in the spatial political economy of urban redevelopment in Shenzhen and China, and is markedly state-led under authoritarian governance structures that encourage increased marketization; The ongoing processes of gentrification in the urban village are intertwined with local and national political systems and social arrangements, and cause stress for the migrant tenants of the urban village, which clearly is not in line with the urban sustainability discourse of the UN’s New Urban Agenda; The tactic responses and individual coping-strategies found in the urban village reveals a condition of both precarity and agency in the everyday lives of the often marginalized poor that inhabit this urban space, which in turn point at emergent alternative urban (re)development trajectories. Moreover, the bottom-up urbanism approach sheds light on both discrepancy and compliance with the dominant top-down redevelopment policy, and is further suggested to inform the production of policy frameworks that can better facilitate local implementation of the New Urban Agenda in China. / Stadsomvandling och sanering används allt oftare som policyverktyg av kinesiska städers lokala regeringar för att uppnå ekonomisk tillväxt, vilket sker under en tid av hög urbaniseringstakt och en växande globaliserad ekonomi. Utöver den rumsliga omdaningen medför stadsomvandling även socioekonomiska förändringar i form av gentrifieringsprocesser, som i sin tur pådrivs av den i landet rådande neoliberala och marknadsorienterade politiska riktningen och dess praktiska tillämpning. Denna uppsats syftar till att analysera den rumsliga politiska ekonomin i stadsomvandling i Kina genom en fallstudie av ’stadsbyn’ (eng. ’urban village’) Baishizhou i Shenzhen i sydöstra Kina. Studien utformar ett teoretiskt ramverk som bygger på de analytiska koncepten neoliberal urbanism, gentrifiering, hållbar stadsutveckling, samt ’bottom-up urbanism’, och tar sitt avstamp i den samtida kritiska urbanteorins betonande av urban ojämlikhet, social och rumslig segregation, rätten till staden, och hållbarhet. Utifrån detta ramverk utför fallstudien en analys av stadens översiktsplan på makronivå, en analys av detaljplanen för saneringen av stadsbyn på mesonivå, samt en intervju- och etnografisk observationsstudie av stadsbyns vardagsliv och rum på mikronivå. På grundval av fallstudien drar uppsatsen följande slutsatser: Neoliberal urbanism är synnerligen tongivande i den rumsliga politiska ekonomin i stadsomvandling i Shenzhen och Kina, och har vidare en tydligt statsledd karaktär som tar sig i uttryck genom det auktoritära politiska styrets främjande av marknadskrafter; De pågående gentrifieringsprocesserna i stadsbyn är sammanflätade med lokala och nationella politiska system och sociala konstellationer, och förorsakar olika påfrestningar för de migrant-hyresgäster som befolkar stadsbyn. Detta ligger inte i linje med den hållbarhetsdiskurs för städer som presenteras i FN’s ’New Urban Agenda’; De praktiska och företagsamma reaktioner och handlingsstrategier som uppvisas i stadsbyn tyder på ett tillstånd av både sårbarhet och personlig agens i det dagliga livet hos de marginaliserade och fattiga som utgör befolkningen i detta stadsrum. Detta visar även på nya alternativa synsätt på stadsutveckling och stadsomvandling. Den analytiska ansatsen ’bottom-up urbanism’ synliggör dessutom både diskrepans och samstämmighet med den rådande toppstyrda (’top-down’) stadsomvandlings policyn, och anses således kunna ligga till grund för framtagandet av nya politiska ramverk som kan underlätta för implementeringen av New Urban Agenda i Kina.

As a unique form of rural-urban transition settlement in China’s rapid urbanization process, the “urban village” plays a very distinctive part in promoting urbanization, being a transit point for many rural people entering urban areas. The term “informal employment migrants” usually refers to those people, who have no formal employment status and work in informal, low-skilled, low-paying jobs in the city. These people often have no stable job security or social protection, facing problems with housing, education and healthcare, as well as a lack of social interaction and cultural and recreational activities, etc. They are the main force in the industry, promoting urban development and securing the service base, while having little power in terms of economic ability and social status.  The rights and interests of the millions of these non-local residents living and working in urban villages, are very important aspects but are usually overlooked by current planning instruments. In the daily life of an urban village, such as Kangle village, not only do the profits from the rental of collective land and property village-owned enterprises benefit only the household residents of the village, but the organization and participation in any public activities within the village have nothing to do with the tenants. As a result, these migrant tenants, who have come to Guangzhou to make a living in the case of this project, are mere outsiders in terms of the distribution of benefits or the share of spiritual entertainment in the urban village. As outsiders, they are often the most affected by the regeneration, the most opposed to it and suffer most directly from its benefits, however, have the weakest voice in the planning progress. Therefore, in urban regeneration planning, we planners should pay more attention to the existence and living needs of these informal employment migrants, provide them with better living and working conditions, improve their quality of life, and promote the equal development of urban society.

Before the American small town was enshrined as an ideal, it was a space of dynamic and pioneering progressive reform, a narrative that has been largely untold in histories of professional planning and landscape history. Archival research shows that village improvement was not simply a prequel to the City Beautiful in the years following the 1893 Chicago Expo, but a rich and complex history that places the residential village at the center of debates about the middle landscape as a civic realm comprised of complimentary and oppositional pastoral and urban worldviews. The second half of the nineteenth century saw an extensive movement in village improvement that affected the physical, economic, and social infrastructure of rural settlements of all sizes in every region of the country. As a concept referenced by planners working on comprehensively-designed suburban communities, the small town ideal has never been historicized with respect to the history and theory of the nineteenth century village landscape improvements. This study broadens the study of village improvement to include the history of ideas and debates surrounding rural development on the national and local level between the 1820s and 1880s and, in doing so, argues that the discussion-born theory of village improvement within a national rural reform movement led by some of the nineteenth century's most respected and influential reformers including B.G. Northrop (education), Col. George Waring (sanitation), N.H. Egleston (conservation), Isabella Beecher Hooker (women's rights), and F.L. Olmsted, Sr. (landscape architecture) was modeled on the Laurel Hill Association in Stockbridge, Massachusetts, and that the local practice of this one society over the same period in line with the national movement together comprised the most active sustained discussion about the civic society and physical infrastructure of rural settlements in American history. This narrative tracks reform movements in rural settlements over several decades, beginning with landscape gardening through sanitation and up to the professionalization of city planning and the country life movement. Planning veered from broadly conceived urban pastoralism and multi-disciplinary rural improvement that viewed the village as an extension of the city toward preservation planning that viewed the small town as an increasingly idealized pastoral space, past-looking and unchanging. This trend was in line with an associated shift from planning as a series of fine-grained locally led practices to expert-driven professionalized planning as grandiose comprehensive vision.

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