Les sessions extraordinaires constituent une des innovations majeures de la réforme de 2006 qui a institué le Conseil des droits de l’homme, en tant qu’organe subsidiaire de l’Assemblée générale des Nations Unies. Alors même que le Conseil tient trois sessions régulières chaque année, les sessions extraordinaires permettent aux Etats de réagir face à une situation de crise en organisant un débat, permettant d’évaluer et de qualifier les violations commises et mettant en place des mécanismes d’enquête et de suivi. L’analyse systématique des vingt-six sessions extraordinaires organisées depuis près de douze ans éclaire ainsi non seulement les rapports de force entre les acteurs en présence mais aussi une dynamique nouvelle du droit international public, intégrant le droit international humanitaire et le droit international pénal dans le champ de compétence du Conseil des droits de l’homme. / Special sessions are one of the major innovations of the reform that established the Human Rights Council in 2006 as a subsidiary body of the United Nations General Assembly. While the Council holds three regular sessions each year, a special session allows States to respond to an urgent situation by organizing a debate, to assess and qualify violations and also to establish investigative mechanisms. The systematic analysis of the twenty-six special sessions held in nearly a period of twelve years illuminates, not only the balance of power between the actors involved, but also a new dynamic of international law, integrating international humanitarian law and international criminal law into the field of competence of the Human Rights Council.

L’effectivité des droits de l’enfant en Côte d’Ivoire est soumise à une tension constante et fragile entre les normes internationales qui proclament ces droits et assurent leur garantie et les réalités locales qui sont celles d’un pays en développement. De surcroît, la Côte d’Ivoire a rencontré depuis plus de dix ans de graves problèmes d’instabilité politique et sociale à cause d’une crise armée qui a déstabilisé les régimes de protection dans tous les domaines où ceux-ci existaient auparavant. La situation de la protection des droits de l’enfant, essentiellement d’origine internationale et placée à ce titre, sous un contrôle international pouvait-elle échapper à ce contexte ? La thèse montre que l’intégration dans le droit national ivoirien des normes internationales de protection à travers une large participation de la Côte d’Ivoire à la plupart des instruments protégeant tant les droits de l’Homme en général que les droits de l’enfant en particulier, de même que la traduction nationale de ces droits selon les exigences constitutionnelles dans une importante législation pourraient donner une image d’effectivité. Cette image est cependant fausse. L’effectivité de ces droits, lorsqu’elle est mise à l’épreuve des réalités du pays, tombe sous le poids des manifestations des violations aussi diverses qu’inacceptables. C’est pourquoi des mesures pour une effectivité améliorée sont préconisées. Leur mise en œuvre pourrait garantir un meilleur avenir à tous les enfants de la Côte d’Ivoire. / The effectiveness of children’s rights in Ivory Coast is subject to a constant and fragile tension between the international standards that proclaim these rights and guarantee them and the local realities that are those of a developing country. In addition, for more than ten years, Ivory Coast has faced serious problems of political and social instability because of an armed crisis that has destabilized protection regimes in all areas where they previously existed. Could the situation of the protection of the rights of the child, mainly from international origin and placed under international control, escape this context? The thesis shows that the integration into Ivorian national law of international standards of protection through a wide participation of Ivory Coast in most instruments protecting both human rights in general and the rights of the child in particular, just as the national translation of these rights according to constitutional requirements into important legislation could give a sense of effectiveness. However, this feeling is fake. The effectiveness of these rights, when challenged by the realities of the country, falls under the weight of manifestations of violations as diverse as unacceptable. This is why measures for improved effectiveness are recommended. Their implementation could guarantee a better future for all children in Ivory Coast.

O objeto da tese de doutorado é a análise da relação entre a defesa da concorrência e a proteção do consumidor, duas políticas públicas que proporcionam benefícios mútuos e devem ser executadas de modo harmônico, havendo substrato normativo e teórico para incluir a preocupação com o bem-estar do consumidor como um dos objetivos da política de defesa da concorrência. No Brasil tal harmonização é uma imposição constitucional, já que a livre concorrência, a repressão ao abuso do poder econômico e a defesa do consumidor são princípios conformadores da ordem econômica. É defendida a utilização de um conceito unificado de consumidor, sendo adotada a teoria finalista, que o define como o destinatário final econômico do bem ou serviço. As duas políticas utilizam diferentes instrumentos e perspectivas na tutela do bem-estar do consumidor, o que fica claro na proteção do direito de escolha. O Código de Defesa do Consumidor oferece a isonomia como remédio para compensar a vulnerabilidade, estabelecendo regras destinadas à uma escolha consciente, sobretudo o direito à informação adequada e veraz. Já as normas de defesa da concorrência resguardam a liberdade preocupando-se em preservar a possibilidade de escolha entre mais de um fornecedor de produtos ou serviços. O exemplo mais contundente dá-se no controle de estruturas: a atuação das autoridades responsáveis pela análise dos atos de concentração é vinculada à preservação do excedente do consumidor e das condições imprescindíveis ao exercício do direito de escolha, sendo vedada a aprovação de fusões que prejudiquem o bemestar do consumidor. No âmbito repressivo a harmonização das duas políticas é intensificada com a colaboração entre as autoridades de defesa da concorrência e de proteção do consumidor para a fiscalização de condutas que configurem, ao mesmo tempo, infrações contra a ordem econômica e práticas abusivas, cuja dupla capitulação não acarreta bis in idem, pois são distintas as esferas jurídicas tuteladas, havendo assim diversidade de fundamentos. É salientada a importância das ações coletivas para reparação de danos causados aos consumidores por infrações contra a ordem econômica e defendida a adoção dos danos multiplicados e a manutenção da destinação dos valores arrecadados por multas a infrações contra a ordem econômica ao Fundo Federal de Direitos Difusos. / The thesis analyzes the relationship between the competition defense and the consumer protection, both public policies that offer mutual benefits and must be carried out in a harmonic way. So, there is a normative and theoretical substratum concerning the consumer welfare as one of the objectives of the antitrust policy. In Brazil such harmonization is imposed by the Constitution, since the free competition, the repression of the abuse of the economic power and the consumer protection are principles that pertain to the constitutional economic order. In this paper consumer is regarded as a unified concept, i.e., the economic final user of goods or services. Both policies use different instruments and perspectives for the protection of the consumer welfare, what is clear in the enforcement of the right of choice. The Consumer Defense Code refers to the isonomy as a remedy to make up for the vulnerability, establishing rules for a conscious choice, especially the right to the proper, true and accurate information. The antitrust rules are concerned with the freedom of choice and the possibilities of option from more than one supplier of products or services. The most outstanding example is related to the merger control: the antitrust authorities are required to guarantee a consumer surplus and the necessary conditions to exercise the right of choice, being totally banned the approval of mergers that may be harmful to the consumer welfare. The harmonization of both policies in the repression scope is intensified with the cooperation between antitrust and consumer protection authorities regarding to the law enforcement against practices that may represent infractions of the competition and of the consumer protection rules, as well. The thesis emphasizes the importance of class actions to repair consumer damages caused by antitrust law violations and defends the adoption of the multiplied damages and the maintenance of the allocation to the Diffuse Rights Federal Fund of amounts raised by fines collected by the Antitrust Authorities.

Le droit international, notamment le droit international des droits de l’homme, a établi des obligations étatiques pour affronter les défis des sociétés en transition : la recherche de la vérité autour des crimes du passé, la poursuite et la sanction pénale aux auteurs de ces crimes, et la réparation aux victimes. Les limitations politiques, sociales et juridiques de la justice transitionnelle sont énormes et elles représentent de grands défis pour les États et pour la communauté internationale en général. Cette recherche a pour but l’analyse du processus de la justice transitionnelle au Pérou après le conflit armé interne et le régime autoritaire de l’ex-présidente Alberto Fujimori à la lumière du droit international. L’étude conclut que le Pérou a accompli les obligations imposées par le droit international en utilisant une approche intégrale de la justice de transition. Néanmoins, il reste encore quelques défis à surmonter liés aux facteurs politiques et sociaux de la réalité péruvienne. / The international human rights law has established obligations on States concerning how they must deal with the challenges inherent to transitioning societies: searching for the truth related to past crimes, persecuting and sanctioning those responsible of these crimes, and providing redress to the victims. Transitional justice has many political, social, and legal limitations that pose a challenge for States as well as for the international community at large. The objective of this research is to analyze – according to international law's parameters – the transitional justice's process that took place in Peru after the internal armed conflict and Alberto Fujimori's authoritarian regime. This study concludes that Peru has implemented international law's obligations while applying an integral approach to transitional justice. Nevertheless, there are still challenges linked to Peruvian society's political and social dimensions.

The purpose of this study was to assess the effectiveness of defensive driving as a preventative strategy for road traffic violations and collisions in Zimbabwe. A sample of one hundred defensive driving graduates was used in the study. The descriptive survey method was used and data were collected using a questionnaire schedule. Literature review revealed that the majority of similar s udies by other researchers indicate that defensive driving is effective in preventing traffic violations and traffic collisions. The major findings of the present study showed that: (a) The defensive driving course is effective in preventing traffic violations and collisions; and (b) The defensive driving course should be compulsory in Zimbabwe. In view of these findings, this researcher urges the Traffic Safety Council of Zimbabwe to request the government to make legislation that compels every motorist to attend the defensive driving course. The same organisation should start conducting research on road traffic accidents. / Criminology / MA (Criminology)

This thesis examines the status of amnesties and the duty to prosecute gross and systematic human rights violations in international law. The thesis begins by distinguishing amnesty from other related concepts, such as impunity, pardon and statutes of limitations and so on. Unlike these related concepts, amnesty aims to address major social or political crises in society, such as to resolve an armed conflict, allow the return of political refugees or bring about peaceful political transition. Amnesty is linked to the duty to prosecute, because it is so often in direct conflict with international law norms and standards on the duty to prosecute and to compensate victims of human rights violations. Before the First World War, amnesty was a well-established customary practice. Even where a peace treaty was silent on the mater, amnesty was implied. Compensation was also part of the regime of peace treaties, but not followed as consistently as amnesty. This practice changed dramatically after the First and Second World Wars, because, in a break with the past, the victors did not consider themselves to be on the same level as the vanquished. This resulted in the abolition of the traditional practice of granting amnesty and the demand rather that those responsible for aggression be prosecuted and compelled to pay compensation, as was the case with Germany. Since 1948, with the adoption of the United Nations' Charter, and other international human rights treaties, the power of states to grant amnesty gradually became constrained by the obligation to prosecute perpetrators of gross human rights violations and to pay compensation to the victims of war crimes. Nevertheless, this phenomenon did not put an end to the practice of states granting amnesty for gross human rights violations. Internal armed conflicts during and after the end of the Cold War, with no victors and no vanquished, made amnesty an inevitable option. A considerable number of states continue to utilise amnesty as a device for peace and reconciliation, and they have granted amnesty for war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. In customary international law, there is a gap between the actual state practice and the existence of the customary norm creating a duty to prosecute. As a result, the status of the so-called "palatable amnesties" (à la South Africa), often granted as part of a truth and reconciliation process, still remains unclear in international law. This is further exacerbated by the inconsistent practice of the United Nations as the main depository and sponsor of human rights instruments. South Africa and Sierra Leone are used as case studies to illustrate this inconsistency in both state and UN practice on the status of amnesties in international law. As a result, the study proposes a balanced approach model, which is an attempt to strike a balance between accountability, political transformation and social stability in transitional democracies. The balanced approach model proceeds from the premise that the international criminal justice system is not flawless and, therefore, it is important to acknowledge its limitations, such as the lack of enforcement agencies, difficulties in the collection of reliable evidence and a lack of resources to prosecute. In terms of the model, consideration is given to (i) the need to respect the legitimacy of the political process that gives rise to the granting of amnesty; (ii) the amnesty must be proportional to the crimes committed and must be rationally connected to the aims of achieving peace and national reconciliation, the interests of justice, compensation for victims; and finally (iii) the general commitment of the state that grants amnesty to respect international law obligations, which includes the implementation of international obligations as part of municipal law and treaty monitoring obligations as preconditions for the amnesty to pass muster in the balanced approach model. In conclusion, the study proposes model Policy Guidelines on Amnesties Granted for Gross and Systematic Human Rights Violations in International Law for the Assembly of States of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to take note of, and to commend to states and international courts and tribunals, leaving its content to be taken up in the normal processes of the application and development of international law. The status of the Guidelines is that of a code of conduct or guide to practice. In that sense, the Guidelines do not have the character of a binding legal instrument and will serve as the basis for the development of sound principles of international law on amnesties. / Constitutional and International Law / L.LD

D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics) / This study is an exploration of transitional justice mechanisms available to post conflict communities. It is a context sensitive and sustained interrogation of the effectiveness of endogenous transitional justice mechanisms in post-colonial Zimbabwe. The study utilised Ruti Teitel’s (1997: 2009-2080) realist/idealist theory as its theoretical framework. Using the case of Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular, it analyses the application of imported idealist transitional justice mechanisms, mainly International Criminal Court (ICC) trials. It also debates the efficacy of realist transitional justice mechanisms, mainly the South African model of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).The study explores the application of what it terms broad realist transitional justice mechanisms used mostly in rural areas of Zimbabwe to achieve peace building and reconciliation. These modes of everyday healing and reconciliation include the traditional institutions of ngozi (avenging spirit), botso (self-shaming), chenura (cleansing ceremonies), nhimbe (community working groups) and nyaradzo (memorials). The key finding of this exploration is that local realist transitional justice mechanisms are more efficacious in fostering peace building and reconciliation than imported idealist mechanisms such as the ICC trials and imported realist mechanisms such as the TRC. More value can be realised when imported realist mechanisms and local realist transitional justice mechanisms complement each other. The study contributes to the literature on transitional justice in general and bottom-up, victim-centred reconciliation in particular. It offers a different approach to the study of transitional justice in post conflict Zimbabwe by recasting the debate away from the liberal peace paradigm which critiques state centric top-down approaches such as trials, clemencies, amnesties and institutional reform. The study considers the agency of ‘ordinary’ people in resolving the after effects of politically motivated harm. It also lays the foundation for further research into other traditional transitional justice mechanisms used for peace building and reconciliation elsewhere in Africa / Political Sciences

Avec l’entrée en vigueur de la Convention des droits de l’enfant (CDE) en 1990, la communauté internationale a formellement matérialisé sa volonté de faire des droits de l’enfant, des droits à protéger en tout temps. La CDE vient compléter le dispositif juridique mis en place par le droit international humanitaire (DIH) pour protéger lesdits droits en période de conflit et inspirera la Charte africaine des droits et bien-être de l’enfant. Les Etats s’engagent ainsi à en faire une réalité, quelles que soient les circonstances. Mais l’engagement juridique est confronté aux conflits armés internes qui remettent en cause les droits fondamentaux clairement énoncés, notamment le droit à la santé et à l’éducation et qui favorisent la violation de ces droits. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous sommes interrogés sur les éventuelles causes qui peuvent expliquer que les engagements juridiques ne soient pas politiquement traduits en réalité concrète. Il s’agit de vérifier si le dispositif juridique de protection ne porte pas en lui-même les germes de cette violation. Une autre hypothèse serait que l’absence de reconnaissance formelle de la responsabilité des groupes armés non étatiques impliqués dans ces conflits, en ce qui concerne le respect des droits pourrait être un élément qui favorise les violations. Ainsi, dans la première partie, après avoir retracé l’évolution historique et juridique de la reconnaissance des droits de l’enfant, nous nous sommes inscrits dans le contexte du conflit en Côte d’Ivoire entre 2002 et 2011, pour montrer les impacts des conflits armés internes sur la jouissance des droits de l’enfant, notamment à la santé et à l’éducation. La deuxième partie nous permet de relever d’une part, les insuffisances du dispositif de protection, les lacunes relatives à la non prise en compte formelle des entités armées non étatiques, et de faire des réflexions en termes de perspectives pour une meilleure effectivité du respect des droits de l’enfant en période de conflit armé non international, d’autre part. / With the entry into force of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1990, the international community has formally materialized its commitment to make them, rights to be protected at all times. CRC completes the legal framework established by international humanitarian law (IHL) to protect these rights in conflict and inspire the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child. States are thus required to make it a reality, whatever the circumstances. But the legal commitment is faced with internal conflicts that challenge the fundamental rights clearly stated, including the right to health and education and promote the child’s rights violations. In this thesis, we asked about the possible causes that can explain that the legal commitments are not translated into political reality. This is to verify whether the legal protection device does not in itself the seeds of these violations. Another hypothesis is that the lack of formal recognition of the responsibility of non-state armed groups involved in these conflicts, as regards the rights, could be an element that facilitates violations. Thus, in the first part, after tracing the history and legal development of the recognition of the rights of the child, we registered in the context of the conflict in Côte d'Ivoire between 2002 and 2011, to show the impact of internal armed on the enjoyment of children's rights to health and education conflicts. The second part allows us to meet the one hand, the shortcomings of the protection, the gaps in the non formal consideration of non-state armed entities, and make reflections in terms of prospects for improving effectiveness of compliance of the rights during non-international armed conflict, on the other hand.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Agamenon Suesdek da Silva.pdf: 1483190 bytes, checksum: 0faabe36f359a0b00d157e8aee92c30d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The work herein presented is of interdisciplinary nature. It aims to study the Political Sanctions in Tax Law in the context of Brazilian Federal Constitution (1988), considering that they are one out of several tributary sanctions imposed by the Law in order to obligate a defaulter to pay taxes. Taking into account our objectives, we shall indeed follow ways which allow us to discuss concepts of Law, Legal Obligation, active debt, the use of regulatory taxes, and sanctions in tax law, making use of theories about sanctions and Law philosophical doctrines. The subject is rich of momentous aspects, either in the universe of principles or in the practical field. We shall address Sanctions in general and Political Sanctions in depth, which apparently represent hindrances created by administrative authorities in order to impede the activities of the taxpayer. As a conclusion, we pose the MATRIX NORM OF POLITICAL SANCTION / Agamenon Suesdek da Rocha, also formalised in symbolic logical language. Although the present work was primarily developed in the Constitutional level, it also addresses infra-constitutional and administrative aspects. It comprises five chapters approaching diverse kinds of violations of tax law among which the political sanctions are emphasized / Cuida-se de trabalho interdisciplinar. Tem por objetivo estudar as Sanções Políticas no Direito Tributário em face da Constituição Federal de 1988, tendo em vista serem estas, uma dentre várias espécies de sanções tributárias que o legislador brasileiro atrelou aos ilícitos tributários que elegeu, objetivando compelir o contribuinte inadimplente a pagar tributos. Dado nosso propósito, forçosamente transitaremos pelas sendas que nos possibilitem, formulações sobre o conceito de Direito, de Obrigação Tributária, de Dívida Ativa Fiscal, de Extrafiscalidade do Tributo, e de Sanção no Direito Tributário, tendo contato com as diversas teorias acerca das sanções e doutrinas filosóficas relacionadas ao direito. O tema é, como se vê, rico de aspectos momentosos, tanto no plano dos princípios e no terreno da prática. Nestes estudos, examinaremos as Sanções como gênero e as Sanções Políticas em sua intimidade, que como visto, correspondem a obstáculos criados pela autoridade administrativa, impossibilitando a regular consecução das atividades do contribuinte. Ao final, descreveremos a NORMA-MATRIZ DA SANÇÃO POLÍTICA / Agamenon Suesdek da Rocha, inclusive em linguagem formalizada. O presente trabalho desenvolve-se no plano constitucional, mas a ele não se restringe, - ao contrário -, procura valorizar as experiências sobre o tema em sede infraconstitucional e no âmbito administrativo. É composto de cinco títulos, com particular abordagem das espécies de Infrações Tributárias, dentre as quais, a Sanção Política tem relevo, e estão distribuídos como consta do índice incluso

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:57:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Margarete.pdf: 13017949 bytes, checksum: c932f1d2b1f96f05f1f4544d8dabff15 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The research had as main objective to know and to analyze the frequency and types of orthographic violations which are revealed in the writing of a group of students. It was also objective to verify if those children still infringe rules of the relationship between phoneme and grapheme as well as position rules, morphologic, etymological and accentuation. One hundred and fifty (150) children of the fifth grade of the elementary school in a public school of the city of São Paulo participated in this study. In order to evaluate the writing, a dictation was applied and composed by 145 words. The results indicate that children of the fifth grade still made a significant number of orthographic mistakes, and these include mistakes that infringe the phonology / A pesquisa teve como objetivo principal conhecer e analisar a freqüência e os tipos de violações ortográficas que se manifestam na escrita de um grupo de alunos. Também foi objetivo verificar se essas crianças ainda infringem regras da relação entre fonema e grafema bem como regras de posição, morfológicas, etimológicas e acentuação. Participaram do estudo 150 crianças da quinta série do Ensino Fundamental de uma escola pública estadual da cidade de São Paulo. Para avaliar a escrita, foi aplicado um ditado composto de 145 palavras. Os resultados mostram que as crianças da quinta série ainda cometem um número significativo de erros ortográficos, sendo que estes incluem erros que infringem a fonologia