The focus of this study is on the occurrence of mass violence in Durban's settlements in the 1980s. Mass violence is defined as the violent reaction of crowds against targets, which may be people and/or objects - for example the stoning of buses or administration buildings, schools, etc. The theoretical framework for the study derives from recent realist philosophy emerging from prominent British social theorists. The method of analysis is based on a framework developed for the analysis of the UK inner city 'riots' of the 1980s. The theory emphasizes the nature of the relationship between the contending groups with particular attention paid to the presence of contingent factors. The analytical method was broadened so as to incorporate rebellion rather than simply 'rioting', as it was developed for in the UK context. Data was gathered in the first instance through an analysis of news reports of 'unrest' for the period 1980-85. Due to restrictions on the press from 1985, the Indicator SA unrest chronologies were used extensively for the period 1985-87. This extensive analysis provides an overview of mass violence, organizational developments, and government response for the period under consideration. Case studies were selected for the more intensive analysis presented in Chapter 4. These are based on published and unpublished reports of 'unrest', interviews, and group discussions. The extensive/intensive dualism of method assisted in giving both an overview of mass violence for the area, and an insight into the particular form it took in specific areas. Finally, the case studies were placed in their regional context, and further reasons sought for the particular nature of 'unrest' in Durban and Natal during the period. The conclusion assesses the explanatory power of the theory and methodology employed in relation to the South African situation. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1989.

In all the Black communities, women’s rights have always been taken for granted. Women have always been subordinate to the patriarchal system. The denial of domestic violence against rural women has its origin in the age long patriarchal society, deeply rooted in culture and tradition. The main aim of the patriarchal society is the control of women by men. The idea of protecting women abuse is not really new. It is a necessary component of long established and internationally recognized human rights. This includes the right to equality and freedom, liberty and personal security. The recognition could be traced to the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 (UDHR). However, women’s rights remain unrealized and are continuously violated despite the fact that these rights are well expressed in many international documents and national laws. The study examined the factors that conduce towards domestic violence against rural women in the Kwa Zulu Natal Province of South Africa. In this regard, the reasons why they support culture and traditional practices that are detrimental to their health were also explored. The small isolated area of Umzimkhulu was used. In-depth face to face interviews were employed to elicit information from the respondents and brief notes were written down to collect the data. The findings revealed that women are not aware of their human rights. This ignorance and negative attitude is influenced by the dependency of women to men, supremacy of the patriarchal system and the dominance of culture. Most disturbing is that these women don’t seem to see anything wrong with the situation. It is evidently clear therefore that women empowerment, through education, will not only affect women’s autonomy but will also increase their worth and make them understand the impact of traditional practices that they support. All these will have implications for policy and legislative interventions.

The study of development in the 1960s and early 1970s was characterised by major struggles between competing ideological positions . Writings were dominated by attempts at getting the ideologies right , hence the proliferation ofNeo-Marxist and Neo-Classical discourses. The vociferous debates between development theorists such as Andre Gunder Frank (1966), Paul Baran (1962), W.W. Rostow (1963) and their followers) were indicative of this period. A fundamental shift occurred in the late 1970s, however, when the focus of development studies shifted to the more technical issue of how to get prices right. World Bank and International Monetary Fund intervention in state affairs were a characteristic of this fundamental shift, with the now notorious Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) of the 1980s being a direct result of this movement. The whole terrain of development studies has once again, however, undergone reconstruction, with the emergence of an entirely new strain of development-oriented thought in the 1990s. The key development problem being identified by social scientists at present is the institutional context in which development takes place. It has finally emerged that this issue surpasses those debates concerning ideology and monetary issues. Development protagonists now acknowledge that they can no longer look at development without considering the institutional environment in which it is to take place. Irrespective of ideology and price factors, then, it has finally been realised that development is highly contingent upon the establishment of a sound development-oriented institutional environment. Although the international development arena has experienced this fundamental shift, very little research has been done , thus far, on the dynamics of KwaZulu Natal 's institutional environment. As such very little is known about its efficacy in supporting or initiating development programmes in the province. If one considers the enormity of the development task in KwaZulu Natal this is an extremely unsatisfactory situation. KwaZulu Natal undoubtedly needs a sound institutional environment that supports development, thus making a study of how the province's institutional environment impacts on development imperatives an extremely important endeavour. It is hoped that this dissertation helps in some small way to fill the research void that is clearly apparent in KwaZulu Natal. It needs to be iterated right at the outset, however, that this dissertation is not meant to be an extensive, all encompassing critique of KwaZulu Natal's institutional environment. It is rather an exploration of those important issues pertaining to its institutional environment that impact so dramatically on development imperatives in the province. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1995.

The field of political violence is introduced with an overview of anti-State political violence in South Africa between 1 January 1977 and 21 July 1985. Incidents of political violence in that period were classified into one of three categories, each of which reflects different sources of political violence. Subsequently, the research analysed what is referred to 'spontaneous' collective violence in two of Durban's townships Lamont and KwaMashu. The theoretical framework for the analysis of this type of behaviour is provided by T.R. Gurr using the formula: MPV = RD + (RD x JUST x BALANCE) where MPV is the magnitude of political violence; RD is discontent; JUST is the justifications for engaging in violence; and BALANCE is the ratio of support for, and coercive capacity of, dissidents vis-a-vis the State. The weight of each variable (RD, JUST and BALANCE) was assessed in Lamont and KwaMashu through interviews with 25 group leaders from both townships and by various inferential techniques. While discontent was found to be universal in both townships, the justifications for engaging in violence as a strategy to alleviate that discontent and alter existing power relations were found to be a function of ideology. For the purposes of this research two ideological classifications were employed: 'reactionaries' (those organisations operating within government created institutions, including bantustans, e.g. Inkatha); and 'progressives' (those organisations operating outside government created institutions and which are popularly labelled the Left e.g. the United Democratic Front). In Durban there is a specific spatial distribution of ideology which has resulted in support for, and the coercive capacity of, reactionaries' being greatest in bantustan townships ' (e.g. KwaMashu), while among 'progressives' support and coercive capacity are highest in townships in 'white' South Africa (e.g. Lamont). The distribution of ideology has its origins in historical forces which are discussed in detail. The question to be answered thus remains at what point does political violence reach a crescendo? This question was answered by identifying the issues precipitating political violence in Lamont and KwaMashu and then analysing specific incidents. Frequently, the most intense collective violence erupted when resistance to State hegemony was interpreted by the State, or its proxies, as challenging the existing status quo. In Lamont the State has directly intervened to crush resistance through the use of its security forces while in KwaMashu Inkatha vigilantes have acted as proxies for the State. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1987.

Patriarchal male power is a fundamental issue that explains the reason for gender-based violence (GBV) as well as societies acceptance of it. Social and cultural forces shape behaviour in society. A patriarchal mindset and power relations influence behaviour towards GBV as a means of controlling women in society. These societal norms are reflected in schools, which are supposed to be havens of safety but seem to allow for and perpetuate societal GBV, increasing girls’ risk of being sexually abused at school and making school unsafe sites. Even though extensive intervention and prevention strategies have been legislated and implemented, statistics indicate that the prevalence of GBV and HIV/AIDS have not decreased in adolescents. Policies and strategies are currently still failing to help youth be less vulnerable to GBV. This study worked with adolescents, aiming to place them at the centre of the problem and of the solution, by conducting research in two rural schools in KwaZulu-Natal. The participants were grade 9 learners (adolescents) attending these schools, who were given the opportunity to explore problems regarding GBV experienced in their schools and to find possible solutions that they can implement themselves in order to curb or address GBV in their schools. A qualitative approach was used, working in a critical paradigm, allowing the participants to be a voice of change in a socially destructive situation. A purposive sample of 30 learners (boys and girls) provided information-rich data. The methodology used was participatory video, and learners simulated examples of GBV at school as well as solutions to them. The research process of producing the participatory videos was an intervention in itself. Three themes emerged from the findings, indicating that: girls’ bodies are sites for GBV in unsafe schools; men who are stereotypically seen as the protectors of society are in fact the perpetrators of GBV through low-level sexual harassment, intimate partner violence and educator sexual misconduct; and learners have a sound understanding of how to address GBV in school and show agency by clearly indicating their disapproval, reporting misconduct, speaking out about the problem in assembly and forming support groups to provide invaluable assistance to each other. This has implications for dealing with learners’ safety at school, and recommendations are made regarding learners’ safety. These include involving the whole community, and endorsing a “safe school” plan with effective school policies and adequate safety and security measures to protect learners (and, more specifically, girls). In order to address patriarchy, recommendations include supportive educator involvement, guidelines for educator misconduct, school counsellor involvement, appropriate sex education and workshops on appropriate male behaviour. Although learners had a sound understanding of what can be done to address GBV in school, it is also recommended that parents, police and health care providers become more involved and that educational programmes, such as peer education, are incorporated. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Edgewood, 2011.

This thesis sets out to examine the role of the poems in Echo (a supplement to the Natal Witness) that were published between 1986 and 1994. I will be exploring these poems in the light of the political conflict that was taking place between Inkatha, on the one hand, and the United Democratic Front/Congress ofSouth African Trade Unions (UDF/COSATU), and later on the African National Congress (ANC), on the other. The introductory chapter will deal with the scope ofmy research. It will outline what it is that I will be researching and the direction of my research. I will also begin to introduce some of the key theoretical assumptions around izibongo (praise poetry) and some of its key definitions as a dominant tradition that influenced some of the Echo poets. Chapter Two will deal with the history of the Echo Poetry Corner itself. It looks at its early beginnings, who conceived the idea and why, and what the editorial policy of this page was. It will also shed some light on how complex issues, such as the originality and authenticity of the poems, were dealt with. The third chapter deals with the background to the political conflict in the Natal Midlands and in Pietermaritzburg in particular. It will be an analysis of violence, its origins and its interpretations, and will show how violence affected the people and the poets around Pietermaritzburg. In Chapter Four I will begin to critically analyse the poems, looking at various themes that were expressed in the poems. I will also define the role that these poems played in the political conflict, looking at whether they engaged with the reality of the time or tried to escape it. In conclusion, Chapter Five deals with my findings on the role that the Echo poems played during the political conflict. It will also address the issue of the role of the poet or poetry in a violent society. The positive role of poetry during war will also be dealt with. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.