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Political parties in the United Kingdom are increasingly focusing their constituency-level campaigns on marginal seats; such a focus has been echoed by academic researchers studying the effectiveness of intense constituency campaigning in boosting local electoral outcomes. Yet there has been little investigation into the impact of the redirection of campaigning resources on safe constituencies; while existing research suggests that intense campaigns are effective in boosting local electoral outcomes, it is possible that a relative lack of campaigning may be harmful. This thesis addresses this gap by exploring in detail the detrimental impact of low level campaigning on both turnout and vote share in safe constituencies by the Conservatives, Labour and Liberal Democrats. The study is situated within the literature of campaign effectiveness, also drawing on theories of voter behaviour. It offers a critical evaluation of existing research into constituency campaigning, contending not only that a lack of campaigning can be harmful, but also that these effects are impacted by nuances of local incumbency and party differentials. To explore this, the thesis conducts a quantitative examination of the effects of constituency campaigning conducted at UK general elections from 1987 to 2010. It also expands existing literature in two ways; by formulating and applying a refined way in which to measure relative levels of campaigning, and also exploring the potential of leader visits as a measure of local campaigning for the first time in the UK. The focus on rebalancing attention towards safe constituencies places the concept of marginality at the core of this thesis. In exploring the concept in detail, potential explanations for the origins of marginality are considered, drawing on theories of population stability and party support bases. Using a refined measure of relative levels of campaigning, a link is established between marginality and campaigning, which also considers the important role of incumbency. When exploring the impact of low levels of campaigning, the results indicate that in many cases there is a harmful impact on both turnout and vote share, although the effects are greater for the latter. The findings suggest that local incumbency is a central factor in deciding the detrimental impact of low levels of campaigning, with such campaigns run by opposition parties resulting in far greater declines in their vote share when compared to equivalent campaigns run by incumbents. In an era of increasing focus on marginal constituencies during election campaigns, this thesis explicitly considers the impact of a lack of campaigning in safe constituencies, the role of incumbency and also applies new measures. In doing so, new empirical insights are produced into the importance of constituency campaigning in the UK, through an approach both rooted in and building upon existing studies.

This thesis examines the effect political trust has on voter turnout among foreign born citizens in Sweden. Economic theory is used as theoretical framework for this study and describes two types of rationale; rationale of voting and rationale of migration, which must be taking into the account when trying to understand the effect of political trust among foreign born citizens. It is from this argued that the incentives to vote for foreign born citizens are very low but that political trust is high due to an improved standard of living. Based on previous research on the positive relationship of political trust and voter turnout as well as the rationale behind it, hypotheses are constructed to be tested in statistical analysis. The hypotheses are that probability to vote increases with political trust, foreign born citizens have higher political trust than native citizens, but that the effect of political trust on voter turnout among foreign born citizens is weaker than for native citizens. The empirical data used for the study are gathered from the 2016 round of the European Social Survey. The statistical analysis supports the hypotheses that probability to vote increases with political trust and that foreign born citizens do have a higher political trust than native citizens. This support in combination with the knowledge that foreign born citizens vote to a lesser degree creates a paradox that would be solved by the last hypothesis, that the effect is weaker among foreign born citizens. However, this hypothesis cannot be completely supported, but there are reasons to believe that with better data the outcome would be positive. The study still reaches the conclusion that political trust among foreign born people is an important issue to take into account for policy makers and future research.

1 Abstract This paper tries to demonstrate an incorrect perception of the Czech municipal electoral system by voters. In order achieve this aim I identified the following research questions. Firstly, what is the perception of preferential voting by voters in the Czech local electoral system? Secondly, do voters use a strategic voting in the municipal elections? Thirdly, is there some influence on voters' decisions depending on the form of a candidate subject? These questions were answered on the basis of my own research, which took place in a chosen municipality. I showed that voters perceive preferential voting by the wrong way, which primarily comes from their low awareness of the electoral system. Furthermore, it was found that the different perception of the candidates affects a voter behavior. Unfortunately, whether voters use a strategically choice in municipal elections, I could not prove it.

L’objectif de cette recherche est de découvrir la nature de l’appui au Bloc québécois lors des élections canadiennes de 2019. Dans le contexte de la diminution de l’appui à la souveraineté au Québec, cette recherche s’appuie sur l’hypothèse suivante : la résurgence du Bloc en 2019 peut être attribuée à la capacité du parti à transcender le clivage souverainiste-fédéraliste en réussissant à capturer l’électeur francophone moyen dans la province. En lien avec cette hypothèse, cette recherche se pose deux questions centrales : dans un premier temps, quels sont les sous-groupes d’électeurs que l’on retrouve au sein de cette coalition bloquiste et quel est le lien avec l’appartenance partisane provinciale, et dans un deuxième temps, quels facteurs et enjeux ont permis de rallier ces électeurs sous la bannière bloquiste? Cette recherche répond à ces questions en utilisant les données québécoises d’un sondage post-électoral national mené en 2019 par les professeurs Erick Lachapelle et Richard Nadeau de l’Université de Montréal et administré par la firme Léger Marketing. Les résultats de l’analyse de sondage confirment l’hypothèse de la coalition, les résultats montrant que le soutien au Bloc en 2019 était constitué de 47,1% d’adhérents du Parti Québécois et de 45,5% d’adhérents de la Coalition Avenir Québec. En outre, cette recherche révèle que si 75,5 % des péquistes ont voté Bloc en 2019, seulement 43,0% des caquistes en ont fait de même, suggérant que le Bloc a réussi à rallier une catégorie spécifique de caquistes. En somme, cette recherche révèle que ce sont les partisans nationalistes modérés de la CAQ qui ont permis la résurgence du BQ en 2019, et que l’appui au projet de loi 21 a été un facteur déterminant dans leur vote pour le BQ, alors que les partisans du PQ étaient plus fortement en appui à la souveraineté. / The goal of this research is to uncover the nature of Bloc Québécois support in the 2019 Canadian election. In the context of dwindling support for sovereignty in Quebec, this research theorizes that the resurgence of the Bloc in the 2019 election can be attributed to the party’s ability to cut across the sovereigntist-federalist divide and capture the median Francophone voter in the province. Following this, this research seeks to answer two central questions: Based on provincial party affiliation, what are the different sub-groups of voters that can be found within the 2019 BQ coalition, and what issues and factors have rallied these voters behind the Bloc? This research answers these questions using Quebec data from a nationwide post-electoral survey conducted by Professors Erick Lachapelle and Richard Nadeau from Université de Montréal in 2019 and carried out by Leger Marketing. The survey analysis results confirm the coalition hypothesis, with findings showing that 2019 Bloc Québécois support is constituted of 47,1 % of Parti Québécois adherents and 45,5 % of Coalition Avenir Québec adherents. Furthermore, this research finds that whereas 75,5% of péquistes voted for the BQ in 2019, only 43,0% of caquistes did so, showing that the party was able to capture a specific category of CAQ adherents. In sum, this research finds that it was the moderate nationalist CAQ adherents that gave the Bloc Québécois a boost in 2019, and that support for Bill 21 was a determining factor behind their vote for the BQ, whereas Parti Québécois adherents felt more strongly about sovereignty.