Ce mémoire vise à explorer la situation de l’homosexualité sous la République de Weimar à travers la perspective de Christopher Isherwood. Durant ses séjours à travers l’Allemagne de Weimar, Isherwood à retranscrit et fictionnalisé un nombre important d’évènements et d’expériences qu’il a vécus. De cela découle une interprétation d’événements et d’émotions que je qualifie dans ce mémoire de traduction d’expérience. Cette expérience offre une perspective sur diverses problématiques liées à l’homosexualité dans la République de Weimar et présente la particularité d’être présentée d’un point de vue que s’affranchit de l’exigence de la vérité au profit du ressenti de l’auteur face à l’exactitude d’un évènement. Les œuvres de Christopher Isherwood telles que Goodbye to Berlin, Mr. Norris Changes Train, ou bien son mémoire Christopher And His Kind manipulent et interrogent divers discours sur la prostitution masculine, la dynamique des relations homosexuelles de l’époque, la relation entre le langage et la notion de « vérité », ainsi que la romantisation de la République de Weimar à travers les récits et les arts. / This memoir explores the state of homosexuality in the Weimar Republic from Christopher Isherwood’s perspective. During his stays throughout Weimar Germany, Isherwood transcribed and fictionalized a critical number of events and experiences he had. From this comes an interpretation of events and emotions, which I qualify in this memoir as a translation of experience. This experience offers a perspective on numerous questions linked to homosexuality in the Weimar Republic and has the particularity of being presented from a point of view which frees itself from the concept of truth, and benefits the emotions of the author instead of the accuracy of an event, Christopher Isherwood’s work like Goodbye to Berlin, Mr. Norris Changes Train, or his memoir Christopher And His Kind open many discourses on male prostitution, the dynamic in homosexual relationships of the era, the link between language and the notion of “truth,” and the romanticization of the Weimar Republic through stories and the arts. I decided to explore these topics through three respective chapters.

The novel Agnes von Lilien by Caroline von Wolzogen, although celebrated during the period of Weimar Classicism, was not generally well known to English-speaking readers and researchers until recently. This project aims to address this situation by creating an easily accessible English translation of the novel complete with critical annotations for the benefit of researchers and lay readers alike. The annotated translation presented in this work is an excerpt of the full translation of the work drawn in particular from the first third of the novel. This novel, first published in 1798, reflects many ideals of the Enlightenment, as well as opinions on women's roles and women's education. In the introduction, I trace the way that the novel seeks to gently persuade the nobility and educated middle class to change the world around them. This is done through the ever-present contrasts filling its pages alongside the novel's emphasis on ideal possibilities. Rather than serving as a revolutionary critique, I assert that the story conveys a quiet call for a level of social reform that still assures the nobility their power while nevertheless challenging them to use that power for the betterment of society. Women are urged to extend their reach to the outer boundaries of womanhood rather than being content with the confinement imposed by traditional society. I conclude that the strength of Wolzogen's text and the trait that draws readers back even centuries later is the fact that, under the cloak of intrigue, adventure, and romance expected from the novel form, the ideals of the Enlightenment shine clearly. In spite of social and political changes over the past two centuries, the call to virtue, industry, reason, and self-improvement, regardless of gender or social class, still maintains its relevance and power for readers in the modern era.

<p>Slutgiltigt godkännandedatum: 2022-10-03</p>

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Die Dissertation ist dem politischen Denken Max Schelers gewidmet. Die Darstellung und Analyse von Schelers politischem Denken zwischen Kaiserreich und Weimarer Republik ist um die zentralen Begriffe Wert und Elite strukturiert. Schelers Bemühen um eine Stabilisierung der politisch-gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse mit metapolitischen Mitteln ist das Resultat seiner Zeitdiagnostik. Er warnt angesichts der Entwicklung zu einer individualistischen Gesellschaft vor den damit einhergehenden Dissoziierungstendenzen. Seine Überlegungen zur Elite ziehen sich wie ein roter Faden durch sein Werk und prägen sein Politikverständnis. Durch die synchrone und diachrone Darstellungsweise wird der Umkreis jener elitetheoretischer Erörterungen einbezogen, die bis heute der Ausgangspunkt mancher Diskurse bilden. Entgegen der Tendenz den komplexen Elitebegriff der stratifizierten Gesellschaft, in der Macht-, Funktions- und Wertelite koinzidierten, auf seine funktionale Komponente zu reduzieren, in der Funktion und Leistung von Werten und Orientierung entkoppelt werden, hält Scheler an dem komplexen Elitebegriff fest und erklärt insbesondere die Bedeutung von Wertvermittlung und Sinnstiftung zum Nukleus seines Elitebegriffs. / This dissertation is dedicated to Max Scheler's political thinking. The representation and analysis of Scheler's political thinking between German Empire and Weimar Republic is structured around the central concepts of value and elite. Scheler's endeavour to stabilize the political and social conditions by meta-political means comes as the result of his time-diagnosis warning of dissociation tendencies that come along with the development towards an individualistic society. Reflections on elite is the central theme of his work and mark his concept of politics. The synchronic and diachronic reprensentation involves the vicinity of those theoretical elite discussions that even today form the basis of some discourses. Contrary to the tendency to reduce the complex elite concept of stratified society, in which elite of power, function and value coincided, to its functional component, in which function and performance are being uncoupled from value and orientation, Scheler sticks to the complex concept of elite and particularly emphasizes the meaning of imparting value and sense as the nucleus of his elite term.

Die Untersuchung befasst sich mit dem Grundgedanken, dass, trotz der im Friedensvertrag von Versailles festgelegten Aberkennung der deutschen überseeischen Besitzungen, das koloniale Regel- und Wertesystem des Kaiserreichs in der Weimarer Zeit durch die Führungskräfte der kolonialen Behörde weiter aufrechterhalten wurde und so weiterhin wirksam war. Die Führungskräfte sind zugleich als „kulturelle Akteure“ zu betrachten. Die Handlungen der „kulturellen Akteure“ standen nicht nur im nationalen, sondern auch im europäischen Kontext in Zusammenhang mit der Verflechtung zwischen Völkerrecht und Imperialismus. In dieser Dissertation geht es um die Fragen: Innerhalb welcher nationalen und europäischen Regelsysteme lässt sich die koloniale Behörde und ihre Funktionsfähigkeit verorten? Welche kulturellen Praktiken der Behörde können im Umgang sowohl mit den deutschen kolonialen Vereinen und Vereinigungen als auch mit den afrikanischen Zuwanderern festgestellt werden? Zudem soll beleuchtet werden, wie sich die Umorganisation der Behörde nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg und dem Ende des Deutschen Kaiserreiches auf die Kontinuität von Funktion, Inhalt und Zielen der kolonialen Behörde während der Weimarer Republik auswirkte. Der „koloniale Gedanke“ beinhaltet die Kerngedanken des kolonialen Wertesystems des Kaiserreiches und wurde an die soziale Ordnung der Weimarer Zeit angepasst. Die Erforschung des deutschen Kolonialismus erfordert sowohl die Aufstellung einer geeigneten theoretischen Grundlage als auch die Auswahl einer methodischen Vorgehensweise, die kritische wie auch reflektierende Blicke auf die historischen Geschehnisse beinhaltet. Durch die Auswertung und Analyse von historischen Quellen, darunter Archivalien, Verhandlungen des Parlaments und League of Nations Permanent Mandates Commission Minutes wurden die kulturellen Praktiken und Handlungsweisen der leitenden Akteure in der kolonialen Behörde beleuchtet. / After the First World War, the victorious European powers acquired Germany’s overseas possessions. The phasing out of the colonial administrative apparatus, established in Berlin during the German Empire, began before the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles during the Paris Peace Conference. By the mid-1920s, the former Colonial Ministry had been transitioned and made a subordinate department. My dissertation focuses on the senior colonial administrators as kulturelle Akteure who were responsible for developing and implementing policies around “der koloniale Gedanke,” which advanced domestic and foreign policy goals of successive governments during the Weimar Republic. Employing the methodology of Quellenanalyse, I analyze primary unpublished and published sources, including interdepartmental correspondence, the proceedings of the parliament, and the League of Nations’ Permanent Mandates Commission Minutes. The main research themes center on the continuity of administrative functions, policies and goals; the central function of colonial cultural norms and values, the presence and status of African immigrant groups and individuals; and the intersection of international law and imperialism. Indeed, I argue that as a theoretical framework, Die Hegemonie der ‘Europäischen Kulturgemeinschaft’ supports a paradigm shift for both the disciplines of History and Cultural Anthropology from a position of “if” to a critical analysis of “how” European states, especially the German Empire, established its system of imperialism on the African continent. It also contends that books and articles written by senior colonial actors as well as African and African Diasporic actors offer a more nuanced and multifaceted colonial narrative than previously known. Moreover, senior colonial administrators based their fundamental assumptions on colonial cultural norms and values, revealing the importance of German colonial afterlives to interwar politics in and beyond the nation.

Zwei Aufgaben sind es, denen sich die vorliegende Dissertation stellt: Sie will die Rolle des Kulturtragenden bei der Etablierung der Öffentlichkeit einer pluralistischen, parlamentarisch-demokratisch verfassten Gesellschaft erörtern und dabei den zahlreichen Bemühungen um eine ideenhistorische Einordnung eines der sensibelsten Kapitel der deutschen Geschichte auf der Grundlage eines bislang nicht systematisch erschlossenen Quellenmaterials einen eigenständigen Akzent verleihen. Den epochalen Bezugsrahmen der Arbeit stellen die Jahre der Weimarer Republik dar. Ihre Quellenbasis erschließt sie sich mit einer umfangreichen Sammlung von Reaktionen auf die von führenden Tageszeitungen und Zeitschriften unter den Repräsentanten des Weimarer Kulturlebens durchgeführten Rundfragen zu einer vielfarbigen Palette aktualitätsgeschichtlicher, produktions- und rezeptionsästhetischer, gesellschafts- und kulturpolitischer Themen. Die Methode schließlich, derer sie sich bei der Auswertung dieses Materials bedient, ist die einer interdisziplinären, vor allem sozialgeschichtlich und ideologiekritisch orientierten Literaturwissenschaft. Das Alleinstellungsmerkmal der Arbeit ist ihre Quellenbasis: die Rundfragensammlung. Ein Namensverzeichnis ihrer Autoren würde sich lesen wie ein "Who is who?" der Weimarer Republik. Zu den Teilnehmern gehörte der schon damals kanonisierte Heinrich Mann genauso wie der junge Bertolt Brecht oder der heute fast völlig vergessene Hans José Rehfisch. Zu Wort gemeldet haben sich Vertreter beinah aller Sparten der Theater- und Opernwelt von Leopold Jessner über Tilla Durieux bis hin zu Leo Blech, aber auch Theologen wie Paul Tillich oder Politiker wie Konrad Adenauer, damaliger Oberbürgermeister von Köln. Mit vorliegender Arbeit wird dieses pressepublizistische Material erstmals aspektorientiert ausgewertet. / This thesis takes an exciting new look at a nearly forgotten body of texts written during the Weimar Republic, the so called "Rundfragen". It has two main objectives: The first is to describe the importance of intellectuals, of writers, artists, actors and academics, for the development of the structure of a pluralistic, parliamentary-democratic society, the second is to interpret one of the most important chapters of German history on the basis of the “Rundfragen”, a textual basis which never has been analyzed systematically. The historical period the thesis pays attention to is the Weimar Republic. The “Rundfrage” is a special genre of text from newspapers and journals, in which those who represented Weimar Germany''s cultural life were asked to discuss political, aesthetic, social and cultural problems of common interest. The thesis analyzes its textual basis using a multidisciplinary method combining literature and social history. The speciality of the thesis is without doubt its source material. A collection of the names of those who replied to a "Rundfrage" sounds like a "Who is who?" of the Weimar Republic. Among the authors are the famous novelist Heinrich Mann and the young Bert Brecht who earned his reputation as an innovative playwriter during the twenties. Also asked for articles were representatives of theatre''s and opera''s world, including the producer Leopold Jessner, the actress Tilly Durieux or the composer Leo Blech, also involved were the theologian Paul Tillich or Konrad Adenauer, at the time Lord Mayor of Cologne. The thesis is the first attempt to analyze the textual material of the "Rundfragen".

Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie politique de Paul Levi, militant marxiste qui a fait carrière en Allemagne durant la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Dès 1914, Levi incarne un courant radical à l’intérieur du Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne (SPD). Il dénonce, entre autres, aux côtés de Rosa Luxemburg l’appui du parti à l’effort militaire national. Levi s’inspire également de Lénine qu’il rencontre pour la première fois en Suisse en 1916-1917. Lorsqu’il prend les commandes du Parti communiste d’Allemagne (KPD) en 1919, Levi dirige celui-ci d’une main de fer, selon le concept du « centralisme démocratique ». Il fait également tout en son pouvoir pour faire éclater la révolution ouvrière en Allemagne afin d’installer une dictature du prolétariat qui exclurait toutes les classes non ouvrières du pouvoir. En ce sens, Levi imagine un État socialiste semblable à celui fondé par Lénine en Russie en 1917. Contrairement à l’historiographie traditionnelle, notre thèse montre conséquemment que Levi n’était guère un « socialiste démocrate ». Il était plutôt un militant marxiste qui, par son radicalisme, a contribué à diviser le mouvement ouvrier allemand ce qui, en revanche, a fragilisé la république de Weimar. Cette thèse fait également ressortir le caractère résolument rebelle de Paul Levi. Partout où il passe, Levi dénonce les politiques bourgeoises des partis non-ouvriers, mais aussi celles de la majorité des organisations dont il fait partie, c’est-à-dire les partis ouvriers de la république de Weimar et le Reichstag. Son tempérament impulsif fait de lui un homme politique isolé qui, d’ailleurs, se fait de nombreux ennemis. En 1921, à titre d’exemple, il se brouille avec d’importants bolcheviques, ce qui met fin à sa carrière au sein du KPD. Les communistes voient désormais en lui un ennemi de la classe ouvrière et mènent contre lui de nombreuses campagnes diffamatoires. Levi, de son côté, dénonce ouvertement la terreur stalinienne qui, selon lui, est en train de contaminer le mouvement communiste européen. Notre travail montre également que Levi, cette fois en tant qu’avocat juif, lutte corps et âme contre les nazis. En 1926, dans le cadre d’une commission d’enquête publique du Reichstag chargée de faire la lumière sur des meurtres politiques commis en Bavière, il tente par tous les moyens d’inculper certains criminels nazis. Levi est conséquemment la cible de la presse antisémite allemande. Il refuse toutefois de céder à l’intimidation et choisit plutôt de poursuivre en justice quelques-uns des plus importants membres du Parti nazi, dont Alfred Rosenberg et Hitler lui-même, en plus de forcer de nombreux autres nazis à comparaître devant la commission d’enquête du Reichstag. Bref, si ce travail se veut critique envers la pensée révolutionnaire de Levi, il souligne aussi l’intégrité politique de cet homme dont les convictions sont demeurées inébranlables face aux dérives criminelles des extrêmes idéologiques de son époque. / This Ph.D. thesis is a political biography of Paul Levi, a German Marxist of the interwar period. Already in 1914, Levi embodied a radical faction within the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). Alongside Rosa Luxemburg, the leader of this same left wing, he is contesting, above all, the party’s participation in the national war effort. But Levi is also inspired by Lenin, who he met in Switzerland in 1916-1917. In fact, when taking over the leadership of the German Communist Party (KPD) in March 1919, Levi ruled with an iron fist according to the theory of “democratic centralism”. As Lenin has done in Russia in October 1917, Levi also did everything in his power to promote a workers’ revolution in Germany in order to set in power a dictatorship of the proletariat, which would exclude all other social classes from sitting in the government. Consequently, in opposition to traditional historiography, this thesis shows that Levi was not a “democratic Socialist” of the Luxemburg school, but rather a Marxist whose political thought resembled that of the Bolsheviks. In fact, his action contributed to further weaken an already frail Weimar Republic and all its democratic institutions. This study also shows that Levi’s outstanding career was in large part the result of his rebellious character. Throughout his life, Levi consistently denounced the bourgeois politics of the non-workers’ parties, but he also systematically went against the majority within the political organizations in which he took part: the workers’ parties and the Reichstag. His impulsive nature set him apart as a solitary politician. In fact, Levi had many enemies. In 1921, he ran afoul of major Bolshevik leaders, which caused him to lose the leadership of the KPD. The Communists subsequently saw him as an enemy of the working class, slandering him in the press and in the Reichstag. Levi denounced, for his part, the Stalinist terror and made a mockery of the KPD, which had become, according to him, no more than a Soviet puppet. But this thesis also reveals that Levi, as a Jewish lawyer, led a major political campaign against the Nazis. In 1926, for example, as he served on a Reichstag public commission investigating Bavarian political assassinations, he tried by all possible means to charge important Nazis with murder. The Nazi press replied with a vicious anti-Semitic press campaign against him. Levi, however, refused to kneel before such intimidation and rather chose to sue important Nazi leaders, such as Alfred Rosenberg and Hitler himself before the court, in addition to summoning many others before the above-mentioned Reichstag commission. In the end, despite the fact that this study very critically evaluates Levi’s ideology, it praises his political integrity, which remained unshakable though faced with adversity and the criminal drift of the political extremes of the interwar period.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

O objetivo desta tese é o estudo da vida dos judeus na Alemanha, a partir de msua saída do gueto ao final do século XVIII. Tive a preocupação em contextualizar a história do antijuda-ísmo, desde a chegada dos romanos na antiga Germânia no século II, ressaltando os momentos mais críticos, como a Primeira Cruzada em 1096 e o enforcamento do judeu Süß em 1738, por razões de animosidades políticas. O estudo rastreia o antissemitismo a partir dos acontecimen-tos da primeira metade do século XIX, permitindo compreender a eclosão dos horrores da Shoá, como o auge de um processo que se desenvolveu durante um longo período. Foram observadas tentativas de integração à sociedade alemã, envolvendo progressos curtos, entremeados por re-cuos, pontuados por movimentos dos próprios judeus, evidenciando o paradoxo entre a liber-dade adquirida pela saída do gueto, com a entrada na vida urbana, e os crescentes sentimentos antijudaicos, agora no seio da sociedade alemã, ocasionando o agravamento desses sentimentos, com os quais os judeus tiveram de conviver. O trabalho demonstra como essa integração se tornou estímulo para o recrudescimento de tendências antijudaicas latentes. O antissemitismo foi tomando, progressivamente, forma mais política e serviu de sustentação ao crescimento do na-cional-socialismo, que o tomou como bandeira, para dar sentido ao ódio gerado pelas tensões vigentes na nação germânica. A insatisfação decorrente da humilhação acarretada pela derrota da Primeira Guerra Mundial e pelo Tratado de Versalhes fez com que o movimento crescente em direção à Segunda Guerra Mundial ficasse aí determinado. A imagem dos judeus ficou as-sociada ao que passou a ser visto pelos setores reacionários e nacionalistas, como intimamente ligados à República de Weimar, levando os arianos a declarar guerra a tudo o que fosse oci-dental, judaico, liberal e iluminista. A maldição estava posta. Houve tentativas de reação judai-cas, objeto central deste estudo, a partir da fundação do Central Verein deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens em 1893, que existiu até 1938, e é a reafirmação da identidade alemã dos judeus. A insistência dos judeus em constituir-se como parte integrante da sociedade alemã pôde ser verificada a posteriori. Foi uma tentativa derradeira, condenada ao fracasso, porém corajosa. A abertura dos arquivos de Moscou permitiu conhecer este processo e alimentou de informações preciosas o estudo aqui apresentado. / The purpose of this study was to investigate the life of the German Jews after leaving the ghetto at the end of the 18th Century. There was a concern to put the History of Anti-Judaism in con-text, ever since the Romans entered Ancient Germania, emphasizing critical moments such as the 1st Crusade and the hanging of the Jew Süss in 1738 because of political animosities. The study tracked Anti-Semitism from the events of the first half of the 19th century, allowing an understanding of the outburst of the horrors of the Holocaust as the peak of a long progressing process. Attempts of the Jews to become integrated in the German society were observed, with momentary progresses interspersed with retreats, punctuated by movements of the Jews them-selves in this integration process. There is a paradox between the freedom conquered by exiting the ghetto and entering the urban life and the growing anti-Jewish feelings within the German society with which they had to live. It is shown in this work how this integration became a stimulus for anti-Jewish revivals. Anti-Semitism became more and more political, supporting the growth of National Socialism that adopted it as a flag, in order to give a meaning to the hatred arising from the tensions present in the German population. Then the dissatisfaction re-sulting from the humiliation caused by the defeat in World War I and the Treaty of Versailles determined the increasing movement towards World War II. Reactionary and nationalist sectors associated the image of the Jews with the Weimar Republic and so the Arians declared war against everything considered Western, Jewish, liberal and enlightening. The curse was on. Jewish attempts to react, also featuring a confirmation of their German identity and their insist-ence in belonging to the German society, were the core of this study. In retrospect, the founda-tion of the CV can be considered a last and brave attempt, yet destined to fail. The opening of the Moscow archives allowed getting to know this process, providing valuable information for the present study.