Yeung, Ion Lam. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in Chinese.

Scholars of American politics often assume World War II liberalized white racial attitudes and prompted a liberal shift in the federal government's position on civil rights. This conjecture is generally premised on the existence of an ideological tension between a war against Nazism and the maintenance of white supremacy at home, particularly the southern system of Jim Crow. A possible relationship between the war and civil rights was also suggested by a range of contemporaneous voices, including academics like Gunnar Myrdal and civil rights activists like Walter White and A. Philip Randolph. However, while intuitively plausible, this relationship is generally not well-verified empirically. Using both survey and archival evidence, I argue the war's impact on white racial attitudes is more limited than is often claimed, but that the war shaped and constrained the executive branch's civil rights agenda in ways institutional scholars have generally ignored. The evidence is presented in two parts: First, I demonstrate that for whites in the mass public, while there is some evidence of slight liberalization on issues of racial prejudice, this does not extend to policies addressing racial inequities. White opposition to federal anti-lynching legislation actually increased during the war, especially in the South. There is some evidence of racial moderation among white veterans, relative to their counterparts who did not serve. However, the range of issues is limited in scope. Second, the war had both compelling and constraining impacts on the Roosevelt and Truman administrations' actions on civil rights. The war increased the probability of any change at all occurring, but in doing so it focused the civil rights agenda on issues of military segregation and defense industry discrimination, rather than a more general anti-segregation and job discrimination agenda. In summary, World War II had myriad impacts on America's racial order. It did not broadly liberalize white attitudes, but its effect on the White House was a precursor to the form of "Cold War civil rights" that would emerge in the 1950s.

Utilizando dados da Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios (PNAD), o trabalho investiga o comportamento e os determinantes dos diferenciais de rendimento do trabalho entre negros e brancos no Brasil, bem como as causas da mudança observada nesse diferencial, no período 1995-2013. Contatou-se que, embora a diferença remanescente seja substancial e inaceitável, houve nesse período uma redução do hiato de rendimento entre os dois grupos de cor. Os resultados da decomposição de Oaxaca-Blinder indicam que a diferença entre os níveis de escolaridade média e as desiguais distribuições geográfica e ocupacional dos dois grupos são os principais determinantes dos diferenciais de rendimento observados. No que diz respeito à mudança observada no hiato de rendimento entre 1995 e 2013, os resultados da decomposição de Smith-Welch apontam para a queda nas taxas de retorno à escolaridade e para as mudanças na distribuição regional da população negra ocupada como seus principais determinantes. / Using data from an annual household survey (PNAD), this study analyses the behavior and the determinants of black-white income gap in the Brazilian labor market, as well as the causes of the observed change in this gap, in the period 1995-2013. It was observed that, while the remaining income gap is substantial and unacceptable, during this period there was a reduction in this gap between the two groups of skin-color. By applying the Oaxaca-Blinder procedure it was identified that the difference between the average level of education and the unequal geographical and occupational distributions of the two groups are the main determinants of the observed income gap. The Smith-Welch procedure of dynamic decomposition shows that the main determinants of the reduction of the black-white income gap between 1995 and 2013 are the decline in the rates of return to education and the changes in the regional distribution of the black population.

This thesis examines various aspects of whiteness and white trash as it relates to films made between 1972 and 2002. Key to this discussion are the concepts of race and class because whiteness invokes race, and trash invokes class. How is white trash represented in cinema? To begin answering this question, one must call into question a conceptual framework of 'privileged whiteness' because when upper-middle-class whiteness is forced to recognise itself, a crisis occurs whereby whiteness can become trashed. This thesis argues from the outset that little distance exists between privileged whiteness and white trash because this ongoing 'crisis' maintains a proximity between both terms. The sopmetimes difficult relationship between privileged whiteness and white trash is explored in filmic case studies. A discussion of white trash must go beyond race and class, because place, age and sexuality also play a large part in making sense of the way white trash functions on screen. The second half of the work identifies specific modes of cinematic white trash production. These are camp white trash and queer white trash. In the former, the films of John Waters are discussed within a framework of 'camp/trash aesthetics'. The latter looks at queer white trash through a detailed analysis of the 1990's New Queer Cinema. Lastly, this thesis argues that the films discussed contribute to a concept of White Trash Cinema. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Full text release at OhioLINK's ETD Center delayed at author's request

<p>Although transformation processes are making progress in addressing racial inequality in post-apartheid South Africa, white South Africans are, in many repects, still privileged, economically, in terms of access to services, land, education and particularly in the case of English-speaking whites, language. This study is an exploration of everyday situations of inequality as they have been experienced from a position of advantage. As a qualitative, phenomenological study, the aim was to derive the psychological essence of the experience of being privileged as white English-speaking young adult within the context of post-apartheid South African everyday life.</p>

In this exploratory case study, I compare and contrast the self-employment experiences and hiring practices of Black, Latino, and White business owners in the Atlanta construction industry. While much of the ethnic entrepreneurship literature has explained the racialized differences between racial and ethnic groups concerning self-employment and their hiring practices, few studies have been able to provide a clear explanation of the mechanisms racial groups use to maintain an economic and social edge without being overtly racist. Furthermore, many scholars have not yet begun to compare the experiences of Whites, Blacks, and Latinos in the South and how their racial ideologies and competition spur on discrimination and racism in a supposedly “color-blind” environment. To address these gaps, I interviewed 42 White, Black, and Latino sub- and general contractors in the Atlanta metropolitan area. I also collected observational data by visiting the worksites of my respondents and attending organizational meetings. Results suggest that even though many of my respondents indicated that racial dissimilarities were due to individual effort and poor motivation, I find that these color-blind ideologies work well to solidify the racial hierarchy and privilege White contractors. I also find that these ideologies block Blacks and Latinos from obtaining better financing, building a good reputation, or having access to important social connections that introduced most contractors to more lucrative prospects. More importantly, the White “good ole’ boy” networks worked as a mechanism to exclude Blacks and Latinos from more lucrative connections, and keep any interactions to a strictly employee-employer relationship. However, these business owners’ hiring practices are the same: they want the cheapest and hardest-working employees they can get, who are usually Latino laborers. By moving beyond the black/white dichotomy, this study offers new explanations of race relations and racial inequality in a metropolitan area recently affected by immigration. Finally, I show that competition pushes these contractors to be more discriminatory, especially when Latino immigrants threaten their "hard-earned" social positions. My empirical and conceptual analyses provide a good start toward explaining how racism and discrimination is organized and continues to persist in a major U.S. industry.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 195-200). Available also in a digital version from Dissertation Abstracts.

Thesis (M. A.)--University of Canterbury, 2009. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 154-165). Also available via the World Wide Web.

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