陳瑞容. / 論文(社會工作碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院社會工作學部,1994. / 參考文獻: leaves 159-167 / Chen Ruirong. / 鳴謝 --- p.i / 論文撮要 --- p.ii / 表列 --- p.iii / Chapter I.第一章： --- 導言 --- p.1 / Chapter II.第二章： --- 研究原因及目的 --- p.6 / Chapter III .第三章： --- 歷史回顧：「傳统思想」與婦女參 政的關係 --- p.11 / Chapter a) --- 婦女的傳统角色一 「男主内、女主外」 「婦無公事」 --- p.12 / Chapter b) --- 婦女的現代角色一職業女性、兼顧家 庭、參與政事 --- p.24 / Chapter IV.第四章： --- 理論架構 --- p.31 / Chapter a) --- 「參與理論」與港人參政 / Chapter 1) --- 羅素、巴克等的「參與理論」 --- p.32 / Chapter 2) --- 柯士甸的「參與理論」 --- p.34 / Chapter 3) --- Almond & Verba 的「參與理論」 --- p.35 / Chapter 4) --- Verba & Pye的「參與理論」 --- p.36 / Chapter 5) --- Verba & Barber的「參與理論」 --- p.37 / Chapter 6) --- J. Rothman的「參與理論」 --- p.38 / Chapter 7) --- Maslow的「參與理論」 --- p.38 / Chapter 8) --- 總結 --- p.39 / Chapter b) --- 現代婦女參政 --- p.41 / Chapter V.第五章： --- 研究設計 --- p.46 / Chapter a) --- 研究假設 --- p.46 / Chapter b) --- 研究方法 --- p.49 / Chapter i) --- 研究對象 --- p.50 / Chapter ii) --- 抽樣方法 --- p.54 / Chapter iii) --- 量度準則 --- p.56 / Chapter C) --- 研究限制 --- p.61 / Chapter VI.第六章: --- 研究結果 --- p.63 / Chapter a) --- 甲部：個人資料 --- p.63 / Chapter b) --- 乙部及丙部：當選前後比較 --- p.74 / Chapter c) --- 丁部：訪問及實地觀察描述 --- p.84 / Chapter VII.第七章： --- 研究總結及分析 --- p.126 / Chapter VIII.第八章： --- 研究建議 --- p.146 / 參考書目 --- p.155 / 附錄（一）至（四）

No description available.

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Sciences

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Work

published_or_final_version / Journalism and Media Studies Centre / Master / Master of Journalism

There is no abstract available for this thesis.

This dissertation examines Catholic lay women's roles in the Church-State conflict in Mexico during the 1930s. After the Cristero Rebellion (1926-1929), clergy and laymen who publicly supported the Catholic Church were threatened with legal sanctions and government reprisal. Thus, Church leaders called upon Catholic women to assume public roles and to work creatively in defence of their faith, albeit following strictly delineated, gendered norms of behaviour. The Introduction discusses the lack of nuanced analysis of women's participation in the Catholic Church in Mexico. Chapter 1 traces the history of Catholic Social Action as envisioned in Europe and as adapted to Mexico from the end of the nineteenth century through the Cristero Rebellion, and includes a discussion of the roles envisaged for women in the Church hierarchy's strategy to concentrate and centralise lay people's efforts into the Acción Católica Mexicana (ACM). The first chapter also includes an overview of the Church-State conflict in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Mexico. Chapter 2 presents the reorganisation of various Catholic lay women's social and civic associations into the Union Femenina Católica Mexicana (UFCM). Chapters 3 and 4 form a case study of the UFCM in the Archdiocese of Guadalajara and the state of Jalisco. Chapter 3 concentrates on the Guadalajara Diocesan Chapter of the UFCM and on Catholic women's activism in the context of urban and regional issues. Chapter 4 compares the experiences of women in smaller towns and rural communities throughout the diocese and state, examining women's collective and independent responses to anticlerical legislation, the Mexican state's programs of socialist and sexual education and agrarian reform, the Church hierarchy's calls to action, and their own perceived need for religious and social organisation. The Conclusion evaluates Mexican Catholic women's responses to the social conflicts of the 1930s, their accomplishments, and the legacies of their mobilisation.

Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--University of the Witwatersrand, Graduate School for Humanities and Social Sciences, 2016 / This study comparatively interrogates the representative parliamentary politics of women political elites in the subSaharan African states of posttransition Rwanda and South Africa. It analyses the relationship between women political elites and gender equality outcomes through the theoretical framework of the presupposed positive relationship that is said to exist between high levels of women’s descriptive representation and women’s substantive representation. It specifically explores this relationship through the lens of legislative outcomes passed in each state. In South Africa, this legislation takes the form of the 1998 Recognition of Customary Marriages Act and in Rwanda, the 2008 Genderbased Violence Act. This study locates the outcomes of women’s parliamentary politics in these states to the different articulation of elite patriarchal bargains negotiated by women political elites within the opportunities and constraints of parliamentary institutional contexts and the political parties represented in these regimes. I show that the higher the degree to which a ruling political party needs to privilege and emphasise women’s interests in the reproduction of political power and legitimisation of its own authority, the more favourable the terms of the elite patriarchal bargains that women political elites tacitly negotiate within political parties will be for pursuing gender equality legislative outcomes in patriarchal institutional contexts. I illustrate how political institutions located in the state never present conclusive gains or losses for women and gender equality but are contextually ambiguous and contradictory in the ways that they foster representation and locate gendered political accountability. / WS2016

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Sciences

The existence of stark and enduring gender inequalities in political participation and representation around the world is a well-documented phenomenon. What constrains women from participating in politics? How can we encourage more women to participate? What are the substantive implications of nominal equality in participation? In this dissertation, I explore these questions in the context of Pakistan: a developing democracy with high levels of gender inequality on various dimensions. An overarching goal of this work is to center the role of the household -- and the sexual division of household labor -- in our understanding of gender roles and gendered inequalities in political participation. In Paper 1, I develop an original behavioral measure of preference expression, embedded in a survey with 800 respondents in Faisalabad, to demonstrate that even when women participate in political communication, they overwhelmingly opt to communicate their spouse's political preferences to a political representative, rather than their own. The ability to express and communicate preferences is key to many definitions of democracy. While existing work studies external constraints on preference expression in the public sphere, in this paper I demonstrate the persistence of internal constraints on women's preference expression that operate in the private sphere. In Paper 2, coauthored with Ali Cheema, Asad Liaqat and Shandana Khan Mohmand, we use a field experiment conducted in 2500 households in Lahore to study what works to mobilize women's turnout. The design of the experiment relies on the understanding that women's participation in this context is shaped by household level constraints. We test whether targeting a canvassing treatment prior to the 2018 Pakistan National Election emphasizing the importance of women's vote works best when targeted to women, men, or both. We find that it is insufficient to target women, and necessary to target men, in order to increase women's electoral turnout. In Paper 3, I draw on the conceptual framework of role equity and role transformation to understand variation in public attitudes towards gender equality. I use survey data collected in Faisalabad and Lahore to demonstrate how abstract support for gender equality in various domains breaks down in the face of material costs and circumstances that pose a threat to status-quo gender roles.