M.A. / The dissertation analyses the political involvement of two women's organisations, Kontak and Women for Peace, during the period 1976-1990. Both organisations were established in the political watershed year of 1976. Kontak had its roots in `verligte' Afrikaner thinking concerned primarily about the image of the Afrikaner as oppressor. Women for Peace stemmed from the heart of liberal capitalist thinking fearing that the welfare community was under threat. Both organisations thus arose from the privileged white establishment and in this aspect differ from the many other women's organisations that existed in the period under review. The meaning of "political involvement" is defined in the study and evaluated in terms of the protest registered against the apartheid system, the ideological stand that was taken and the extent to which race relations improved. The latter was after all an essential objective of both organisations, more particularly to end conflict than to ensure a complete transition to democracy. The positioning, objective and conduct of the abovementioned organisations must of necessity be highlighted against the background of the oppressive political situation of the day. For this reason the study provides an overview of the political context within which the organisations had to function. It commences with the riots of 1976 when the National Party came under increasing pressure to scale down apartheid and make it more acceptable. Mention is made of the power of the National Party to equate matters of national interest with discrete party political interests. Further mention is made of the unbridgeable gap between intra-parliamentary and extra-parliamentary politics and how the decisive power of the latter was publicly suppressed. The impossibility of "political neutrality" is emphasised and that was precisely the label that the two organisations under discussion would have liked to attach to themselves. Kontak and Women for Peace were not the only players in the field of women's organisations. The study briefly discusses a few of the other main players such as the ANC Women's League, Inkatha's Women's Brigade and the Black Sash. Both Kontak and Women for Peace explicitly stated that they wished to seek reconciliation and peace between privileged whites and disadvantaged blacks "outside of the party-political arena". Neither of them could escape their political roots, however. The new enlightenment in the National Party for example prevented Kontak from taking an increasingly critical stand against apartheid. In the same way the much sharper voice of the Women for Peace was silenced by the approval of liberal PFP thinking. Both organisations registered protest within the safety of intra-parliamentary politics. They constituted no revolutionary threat for the apartheid state and their leaders were neither imprisoned nor banned. In summary it can be said that both Kontak and Women for Peace were able to realise the objectives of reconciliation within their chosen but limited target groups. Praiseworthy projects were undertaken and strong anti-apartheid positions were adopted. Democratic adjustments were constantly made with regard to membership, leadership hierarchy and language orientation. As far as the political main stream was concerned both, however, were wrongly positioned. The black majority moved in extra-parliamentary circles, outside the field of experience and even the protest actions of privileged whites. For this reason Kontak and Women for Peace were unable to contribute directly to the democratic transition to black majority rule but to some extent succeeded in sensitising the privileged white communities to accept change.

M.A. (English) / The fallen woman is the central figure in much of the fiction written in Britain during the nineteenth century, and she frequently reappears in colonial writing. In this study, fictional interpretations of the English victorian stereotype of the fallen woman in The story of an African Farm and From Man to Man by Olive Schreiner and in The Beadle by Pauline smith are examined. The first chapter of this dissertation is an attempt to establish the fallen woman's classic stereotypical qualities as exhibited in five British novels. Location in their historical context explains the subtle changes in metropolitan attitudes towards women in general, and fallen women in particular, brought about by the advent of organisations designed for the protection of young girls and the assertion of women's rights. Analysis reveals certain clearly defined conventional trends in characterisation, plot and imagery. The novels studied are Ruth (1853) by Mrs.Gaskell, Adam Bede (1859) by George Eliot, The Ordeal of Richard Feverel (1859) by George Meredith, East Lynne (1861) by Mrs. Henry Wood, and Tess of the D'Urbervilles (1891) by Thoma~ Hardy. In chapter two, the close interrelation between the predominant Western conceptions of manhood, colonialism, and racism is examined and an explanation given for the exaggeration in the colonies of the dual role of woman - as chaste angel or fallen devil. Examples of the social engineering undertaken in tribal or chieftainly patriarchies in Southern Africa and by the British Imperial administration at the turn of the century are given. The strong link between the oppression of blacks and women is illustrated. Dutch hierarchical notions of social caste and attitudes to women, which were in place when the British arrived, are discussed. The rapid internalisation of white male attitudes towards women of other races as reflected in the writing of white women in South Africa is then shown. Texts examined are The Letters of Lady Anne Barnard to Henry Dundas (1793 - 1803), edited by A.M. Lewin Robinson, Lady Duff Gordon's Letters from The Cape edited by John Purves, Sophie Levisseur: Memories, edited by Karel Schoeman, AVictorian Lady at the Cape (1849 -1851) edited by Alan F. Hattersley, Charlotte Moor's Marina de la Rey (i903), W.P.Livingstone's Christina Forsyth of Fingoland, the Story of the Loneliest Woman in Africa (circa 1911), Gertrude Page's The Pathway, and A Sketch of Women's Work (1893) edited by Lady Loch. It becomes evident in Saul Solomon's collection of letters entitled The contagious Diseases Act : Its operation at the Cape of Good Hope (1897), in G. Emily Conybeare's treatise entitled Womenly Women and Social Purity (1892) and in the Reverend C. Spoetstra's open letter to the editor of the Volksstem, published as a booklet under the title Delicate Matters (1896), that feminists, Members of the Cape Legislature, and clergymen were opposed to the double standard against women enshrined in Cape statutes. The reasons for their opposition are discussed. The character of the Afrikaner patriarchy which predominated at the turn of the century and into the early years of the twentieth century is described, and reasons suggested for the more mystical and sacrificial approach of this group towards the fallen woman as detected in the Reverend Spoetstra's letter. Having outlined the distortion of British attitudes towards women in South Africa in chapter two, I then examine the fictional interpretations of the fallen woman in Olive Schreiner's novels The story of an African Farm and From Man to Man. Her treatment of this character is related to the British stereotypes and to the influence of colonial attitudes to women and race already established. Biographical details and facts related to the composition of From Man to Man, which are of value in determining why the novelist chose, or was compelled, to represent her characters in the way she did, are studied. A progression of ideas regarding female autonomy and independence is traced in her novels by means of close textual analysis. The chapter ends with an evaluation of Schreiner's attitude to race and racism and of Schreiner's colonial version of a fate of women.

How does a woman's race influence perceptions of her sexual behavior? This study investigated how race and sexual behavior intersect within an ambivalent sexism framework. Benevolent sexism characterizes women as pure and defenseless, which contrasts with the cultural stereotype of Black women as aggressive and hypersexual. Gender and racial stereotypes may combine to produce different outcomes for women who behave according to negative (promiscuous) or positive (chaste) sexual subtypes. According to shifting standards theory, evaluations and treatment of these women should vary depending on whether the measured behavior is non-zero sum (limitless) or zero sum (finite). To test this hypothesis, participants read about a chaste or promiscuous Black or White woman and reported their hostile and benevolent attitudes about her (non-zero sum) and whether she should be picked to represent an organization that supports women of her sexual subtype (zero sum.) Results suggest, consistent with shifting standards, that more benevolent sexism was expressed to a chaste Black, rather than White, woman. However, the Black woman did not receive more positive trait evaluations or experience an advantage on the zero sum outcome. Minority women who conform to benevolent sexism ideals may be highly praised (non-zero sum reward) but are not given tangible rewards (zero sum reward) for their behavior. This pattern of treatment perpetuates discrimination against Black women within society.

Orientador: Gilda Figueiredo Portugal Gouvêa / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T03:33:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cruz_LucianaRamirezda_M.pdf: 1657994 bytes, checksum: 3f949de9cd79d048f9da01c1f7aac06e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: A presente dissertação de mestrado tem como hipótese inferir sobre as possibilidades do Programa Bolsa Família em relação às permanências e mudanças dos arranjos e das reproduções sociais ancoradas na dicotomia público/privado das mulheres beneficiárias do programa no município paulista de Santo Antonio do Pinhal. Este estudo tem como base empírica a pesquisa de campo desenvolvida em 2012 no município em questão, através da realização de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com beneficiárias do programa de transferência de renda, utilizando assim metodologia qualitativa. Foram entrevistadas também as agentes estatais que executam o Programa no município. Como ponto de partida, este trabalho perpassa as transformações históricas ocorridas na sociedade brasileira a partir da década de 1980, refletindo sobre os atores e processos sociais que contribuíram para o atual campo das políticas sociais. Assim, reconstruo as portas institucionais que levaram ao atual Programa Bolsa Família. O Programa Bolsa Família, através da transferência direta de renda condicionada, tem como objetivo principal erradicar a pobreza e a extrema pobreza das famílias que se encontram nesta condição social. Por meio das condicionalidades tenta aproximar a população pobre aos serviços públicos de saúde e educação, no intuito de romper com o ciclo intergeracional da pobreza nessas famílias. Atualmente o Programa é parte do Plano Brasil Sem Miséria, plano este que tem como foco proporcionar garantia de renda, inclusão produtiva e acesso aos serviços públicos aos ainda 16 milhões de brasileiros que se encontram na extrema pobreza. A escolha por entrevistar mulheres beneficiárias não é aleatória. Estas são as principais responsáveis e potenciais aliados para um bom desenvolvimento do Programa Bolsa Família; para o cumprimento das condicionalidades obrigatórias para o recebimento do benefício e, principalmente, por serem elas as principais titulares do cartão que dá acesso ao Programa, as situando como centrais para o êxito do programa. Situá-las nessa posição é parte de uma escolha política dos formuladores do Programa Bolsa Família e possivelmente parte de uma constatação do seu lugar social, o que sugere algumas tensões existentes nessa escolha: responsabilizar essas mulheres pode significar uma sobrecarga em suas funções sociais, sugerindo uma possível reprodução dos papéis sociais historicamente atrelados a elas e aprofundando as desigualdades entre os gêneros. Outra tensão que cabe enunciar é o outro lado da moeda, ou seja, o acesso à renda, aos serviços públicos, a outros espaços de sociabilidade que podem realocar as hierarquias de poder internalizadas nas famílias, pode alcançar potencialidades de transformar as negociações cotidianas dessas mulheres, o que localiza minha hipótese de trabalho numa questão paradoxal sobre os alcances e impactos de uma política social como o Programa Bolsa Família / Abstract: This dissertation has hypothesized infer about the possibilities of the Family Grant Program in relation to permanencies and changes in social arrangements and reproductions anchored in the dichotomy public / private of the women beneficiaries of the program in the city of Santo Antonio do Pinhal. This empirical study is based on field research conducted in 2012 in the city on question, by conducting semi-structured interviews with beneficiaries of the cash transfer program, thus using qualitative methodology. We also interviewed state officials running the program in the city. As a starting point, this paper goes through the historic transformation in Brazilian society from the 1980s, reflecting on the actors and social processes that contributed to the current field of social policies. Thus, institutional reconstruction doors that led to the current Family Grant Program. The Family Grant Program, through direct income transfer conditioned, has as main objective to eradicate poverty and extreme poverty of families who are in this status. Through conditionality tries to bring the poor to public health services and education in order to break the intergenerational cycle of poverty in these families. Currently the Program is part of the Brazil Without Misery Plan, this plan that focuses on providing guaranteed income, productive inclusion and access to public services to an additional 16 million people who are in extreme poverty. The choice to interview women beneficiaries is not random. These are the main causes and potential allies for a good development of the Family Grant, for fulfilling the conditionality required to receive the benefit, and especially considering that they are the main holders of the card that gives access to the program, such as placing the central to the success of the program. Situate them in this position is part of a policy choice of the formulators of the Family Grant and possibly stems from the realization of their social location, suggesting some tensions that choice: blame these women may mean a burden on its social functions, suggesting possible reproduction of social roles historically linked to them and deepening inequalities between genders. Another tension is stating that it is the other side of the coin, that is, access to income, public services, to other spaces of sociability may relocate power hierarchies internalized in families may achieve potential to transform everyday negotiations of these women, which locates my working hypothesis in a paradoxical question on the scope and impacts of a social policy as the Family Grant / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestra em Sociologia

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The focus of this study is the effectiveness in increasing self-efficacy and self-esteem level, parenting skills, awareness about domestic violence issues, and the overall effects of these on the quality of life of at-risk Hispanic female immigrants attending a support group at a community agency.

This study presents results from a survey of 108 African American women. Survey questions covered attitudes towards marriage, qualities of an ideal spouse, and opinions of African American men in general.

PhDGS / Institute of Gender and Youth Studies / The existence of humans has always been associated with movement, owing, among other reasons, conflicts, to disasters and search for more habitable areas and better living conditions. Historically, migration of women has not been given much attention by scholars; international migration literature has always been dominated by data on male migration. However, almost half of the immigrants coming into South Africa are women. Young female immigrants are considered more vulnerable than their male counterparts. Through a qualitative approach, this study aimed at investigating the vulnerability of young Zimbabwean female immigrants in Johannesburg, South Africa’s largest city and its industrial and commercial heartland, in order to develop a comprehensive strategy to minimise their vulnerability. In-depth interviews and focus group discussions were used for data collection, and Atlas.ti qualitative analysis software was used to analyse the data. The population of the study was young female immigrants between the ages of 18 and 35 years residing in Johannesburg, and experts in the field of migration. Purposive and snowball sampling were used to select the participants. The findings of this study highlighted that the young Zimbabwean female immigrants are vulnerable to abuse, discrimination, xenophobia, poor health, and social and economic problems. The abuse, discrimination and xenophobia were perpetrated by their partners, the society, colleagues in the workplace, employers, and the authorities who are supposed to protect and provide services for these immigrants. These problems were a result of the intersecting factors that cause the young women’s vulnerability. These include nationality, gender, legality, language barriers, type of work, poverty (and the desperation it generates), and competition over job opportunities. The study indicated that these female immigrants do not look for the law’s protection because they are afraid of being deported, and they are afraid of the police, who are reluctant to protect them, and often further abuse them. The study recommends the adoption of the Multistakeholder Comprehensive Migration Strategy which was developed in this study to minimise the young women’s vulnerability. This strategy promotes the collaboration of different parties at all levels – individual, community, civil society, regional and national – in achieving this all-important purpose. All these stakeholders should collaborate in initiatives to promote and protect the rights of these young women, and ensure gender equality in migration. / NRF

Even in the context of the multicultural scholarship, there is a lack of psychological research addressing the in-law relationship experiences of East Asian American daughters-in-law (DILs) residing in the U.S., specifically with regard to the emotional impacts and resiliencies that these women may experience in the face of potentially conflictual family dynamics. The primary purpose of this study was to contribute to the multicultural psychology literature by exploring the cultural, relational, affective, and coping experiences of these women, especially with regard to their unique social location and cultural contexts of Confucian and European American influences. The present study utilized a consensual qualitative research (CQR) methodology to analyze the narratives of 12 Korean and Chinese American women who identified as 1.5 and 2nd generation and as DILs within their family network in the U.S. The results shed light into the affective and relational duress that they experienced due to their in-laws’ differing cultural values and traditional expectations. In particular, the participants reported that they often used indirect coping strategies to manage these stressors. The study offers multicultural training and practice recommendations for mental health service providers to consider when working with Korean and Chinese American women and their families.