本篇論文以將國民政府視為革命新政權之假設為論述基礎，試圖對北伐階段的歷史進行更清楚的分析。首先列入討論的是革命政權，或謂新政府的行為模式探討。其中包括：革命的意義及發生背景、革命政權決策的產出及新政府之外交取向，末了再以上述理論基礎為根據，闡明國民政府之革命政權本質。以後論述內容均以國民政府此一特質為分析要點。在第三章中將影響國民政府外交決策的外部因素做一分析，首先提到的是自辛亥革命以來的國內局勢及國民黨發展空間之背景，接著對談到國民黨與英、美、日三國的關係，進一步則對影響北伐時期國府甚鉅的聯俄容共政策有所說明，蘇聯對國民政府而言，有著根本內在的影響，而英、美、日三國則左右著廢除不平等條約談判。第四章則述及國府內部的決策考量，例如：排外運動之風起雲湧、南北對峙的時代背景及國民黨內分裂狀況對決策產出之影響。除此之外，執行政策者如陳友仁、伍朝樞及王正廷三人本身的考慮亦為決策重點。分別提及影響決策制定的外在環境與內在因素後，將提出幾件較為人注意的對外交涉個案，以佐證上述之分析，租界之收回、關稅自主及治外法權之撤廢是論述重點，不過基因於五卅慘案和南京事件分別亦帶有群眾外交之始末意義，因此也附帶一提。而在結論中將對所謂「革命外交」之意義重新審定，進而對整個外交成果做一回顧。

當伊斯蘭信仰與政治勢力結合時，往往能左右一地的宗教信仰與風俗習慣。雖然如此，伊斯蘭在對外傳播與發展的過程中仍吸收了許多各地的文化特質，使得伊斯蘭文化呈現出多元的面貌，意即具有地方性的特色。 　　伊斯蘭在中國即是一例。基本上伊斯蘭是隨著穆斯林的貿易與移民而傳入中國。在唐宋時期前來中國貿易之阿拉伯及波斯商賈中即有許多穆斯林定居中國。到了元代，由於中亞穆斯林助蒙古人入主中原有功，穆斯林在元朝政治、經濟上均扮演重要的角色。明代則由於明中央政府的漢化政策，穆斯林漢化的速度與程度均超過前代。漢化的加深相對地使得穆斯林之信仰顯得薄弱，大多數的穆斯林對伊斯蘭教義模糊不清，對他們而言伊斯蘭似乎只是一種生活習慣。穆斯林的社會地位也逐漸走下坡。比起元代，明代的伊斯蘭文化呈現衰退的狀態。 　　有鑑於此，中國穆斯林中的有識之士便試圖以著作的方式來振興伊斯蘭在中國的地位。明清時期的伊斯蘭漢文著述為數不少，本文擇其中較具代表性的幾本加以分析討論：王岱輿的 ＜正教真詮＞、馬注的 ＜清真指南＞、劉智的 ＜天方典禮＞、 ＜天方性理＞、馬德新的 ＜四典要會＞。這些兼通伊斯蘭經典與儒家學說的穆斯林學者著書闡述伊斯蘭教義，除了希望能讓中國的穆斯林正確地了解伊斯蘭教義，也希望能得到儒者的認同與支持，因此除了以漢文著作外，在詮釋上試圖以儒家學說輔為解釋，如孔子「天」的概念、宋明理學無極、太極、理氣之說等等。一方面強調伊斯蘭與儒家思想的一致性，一方面又不離認主獨一的信念。這樣闡述伊斯蘭教義的方式成為明清伊斯蘭漢文著作的特色，也逐漸形成具有中國特色的伊斯蘭。這些著作一方面顯現出儒家思想對伊斯蘭教義中國化的影響力，一方面也表示出穆斯林對中國大環境的適應之道。

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Dynasties of Demons: Cannibalism from Lu Xun to Yu Hua focuses on the issue of representations of the body in modern Chinese fiction. My interest concerns the relationship, or correspondence between "textual" bodies and the physical "realities" they are meant to represent, particularly where those representations involve the body as a discursive site for the intersection of state ideology and the individual. The relationship between the body and the state has been a question of profound significance for modern Chinese literati dating back to the late Qing, but it was Lu Xun who, with the publication of his short story "Kuangren riji" (Diary of a Madman), in 1918, initiated the literaty discourse on China's "apparent penchant for cannibalizing its own people. In the first chapter of my dissertation I discuss L u Xun's fiction by exploring two distinct, though not mutually exclusive issues: (1) his diagnosis of China's debilitating "spiritual illness," which he characterized as being cannibalistic; (2) his highly inventive, counter-intuitive narrative strategy for critiquing traditional Chinese culture without contributing to or stimulating his reader's prurient interests in violent spectacle. To my knowledge I am the first critic of modern Chinese literature to write about Lu Xun's erasure of the spectacle body. In Chapters II, III and IV, I discuss the writers Han Shaogong, Mo Yan, and Yu Hua, respectively, to illustrate that sixty years after Lu Xun's madman first "wrote" the prophetic words, chi ren A (eat people), a number of post-Mao writers took up their pens to announce that the human feast did not end with Confucianism; on the contrary, with the advent of Maoism the feasting began in earnest. Each of these post-Mao writers approaches the issue of China's "spiritual dysfunction" from quite different perspectives, which I have characterized in the following way: Han Shaogong (Atavism); Mo Yan (Ambivalent-Nostalgia); and Yu Hua (Deconstruction). As becomes evident through my analysis of selected texts, despite their very significant differences (personal, geographic, stylistic) all three writers come to oddly similar conclusions that are, in and of themselves, not dissimilar to the conclusion arrived at by Lu Xun's madman.

本文的研究主題為唐修《晉書》與《世說新語》間的敘事差異，對二書重出資料進行研究考察，研究的重心在於《世說新語》材料進入《晉書》後所產生的變化，觀察史家如何引用《世說新語》，整理歸納敘事差異的類型，探究敘事差異現象背後的原因及其意涵。 在第一章緒論中，從《晉書》援引《世說新語》引發前人褒貶兩極的評價，討論史家以小說入史的適切性，檢討前人涉及二書的研究文獻，並說明本文所採用的研究方法及進行步驟。 第二章聚焦於《晉書》援引《世說新語》的部份，統計二書的重出資料，編成表格以綜觀整體，發現《晉書》有「累篇成傳」、「一事重出」、「傳聞異辭」和「事涉數人，載於一傳」的現象，反映出史家援引材料入傳有其考量，並非一味以《世說新語》為準，所收錄的《世說新語》篇章不僅作為實例豐富《晉書》的記載，也彌補人物事蹟缺乏的境況。史家依循事件發展邏輯、人物關聯和事件材料性質三種方式排列《世說新語》的材料，將數則事件建立新連結，形成條理清晰的脈絡，融入史傳的順時敘述中。 第三章分析《晉書》與《世說新語》重出資料中的敘事差異，其中簡化型的敘事差異為最大宗，可分成簡省人物言語活動、事件的敘事部分和混合型三種簡化類型，其他敘事差異現象包括史家修改局部文句、將材料另做他用和增添非敘事話語，從文本分析中可看出史家藉由增刪修改文句，提升傳主在事件中的重要性，塑造傳主的正面形象，而所增添的非敘事話語透露史家的判斷，雖未直接臧否人物，褒貶自在其中。 第四章檢視敘事差異中所反映出的史家道統取向，二書相異的敘述可見史家所重視的宗法社會之倫常，由朝廷延伸至家庭，從標舉君臣相處之道，到修補家庭倫常關係，呈現史家對於傳統禮教的維護，強調倫理綱常中「忠」與「孝」的價值。史家的道統取向在女子紀事方面尤其明顯，依據女子在家庭倫理中所扮演的角色為其定位，調整敘述所刻劃出的人物形象，標舉德才兼備和人品有瑕的女子，確立道德尺度對立的兩端，以達成社會教化的目的。 第五章為結語，概述研究二書敘事差異的三階段：現象分析──原因探索──意義呈現，二書的敘事差異反映史家的撰史的原則和道統取向，史家援引《世說新語》豐富了《晉書》的史傳，彰顯出兩晉的時代精神，造就《晉書》的獨特，即便援引《世說新語》入傳，史家仍掌握敘述的主導性，使《晉書》保有光彩熠熠的歷史價值。 / This thesis focused on the narrative differences between Jin Shu and Shi Shuo Xin Yu, according to two books’ repeated data, the focus of research is Shi Shuo Xin Yu material into Jin Shu , observing how historians cite Shi Shuo Xin Yu, summarizing in the type of narrative differences, reasons for the differences in the narrative and meaning behind the phenomena. In Chapter one, Looking back at history，Citing Shi Shuo Xin Yu caused different evaluation from scholars of former times, we discussed the appropriateness of historians’ quotation, reviewing former scholars’ research which involved in two books, to expound research methods and procedure used in this paper. The second chapter focused on Jin Shu quoted Shi Shuo Xin Yu in part, Organize two books’ duplicate data, compiled forms for considering overall, Found that Jin Shu There are " linking events constitute a biography ", " the same recurring events ", "different versions of hearsay" and "matter involving several people, documented in a biography " phenomenon, Historians quoted material reflecting the transfer had its considerations, not took Shi Shuo Xin Yu as a criterion, the collection of Shi Shuo Xin Yu articles is not only rich in examples as Jin Shu records, but also make up for the lack of documented life stories. Historians arranged Shi Shuo Xin Yu articles in three ways, following the logic of events, people relationship and events associated with the nature, to create a new link for several events, forming a coherent context, put into Jin Shu in chronological narration. (the narrative chronicled the events) Chapter 3 analyzed the narrative differences between Jin Shu and Shi Shuo Xin Yu, simplifying narration accounts for the largest part of the narrative differences, assorting simplified narration into 3 types, consisted of simplifying the dialogues and activities, the narrative part of the event and the mixed type. Other narrative differences include historians’ partial sentence modification, rewrite the sentence for other purposes, and add non-narrative discourse. As can be seen from the text analysis, historians enhance the importance of specific character in the incident by modifying the text or creating a positive image of the characters. Non-narrative discourse added by historians revealed their judgments. Chapter 4 viewed the Confucian Orthodoxy in narrative differences, rewriting the events reflected that historians regarded ethics of patriarchal society highly. Extending from the court to the family, historians presented the proper relationships between the emperor and his Courtiers and maintained the ethical relationship of family. Historians emphasized the moral value of "loyalty" and "filial piety", expressing the maintenance of traditional Confucianism. The narrative which female involved in also indicated the Confucian Orthodoxy, Historians decided the female’ historical status by her role in the family and adjust the images in the description. By praising virtuous women and criticizing the flawed, historians established moral contrast ends of the scale for the purpose of social education. Chapter 5 is the epilogue which outlined a three-stage study of narrative differences between two books, from analysis of the phenomena, to the reasons behind the modification, then reflected the meaning between the lines. Narrative differences revealed the writing principles of historical works and tendency towards the Confucian Orthodoxy. Citing Shi Shuo Xin Yu enriched the content of Jin Shu and highlighted the zeitgeist of the Jin Dynasty. In spite of the quotation, Historians ruled the main narrative, let the value of Jin Shu shine in history.

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釣魚臺列嶼爭端是影響東海區域和平穩定的主要因素，該海域除蘊藏豐富生物及非生物資源外，更因其具有重大的地緣戰略利益，對亞太區域安全有深遠之影響。惟歷經歷史時局的演變，主權歸屬問題涉及中共、日本與臺灣等國，基於特殊歷史背景與國際間一中政策制約，使我國僅有海洋國家之名，同時影響我對於上述島嶼之主權主張。 中共挾著新崛起的大國氣勢，明確提出「海洋強國」之戰略目標，透過整合內部海上執法機關，展現維護國家海洋權益之決心，進而鞏固和擴大海洋維權成果。然囿於其海域被島鏈封鎖，戰略迴旋空間有限，為實踐其海洋戰略利益，面對周遭潛在的軍事威脅和海洋爭端，中共目前正積極拓展海上力量。臺灣應如何突破外交困境，並於維護國家尊嚴與人民福祉之間，尋求解決釣魚臺海域爭端之最佳途徑，作為在現今國際劣勢下，發展國家海洋戰略事務之借鏡，以達知彼知己，百戰不殆之效。 海上安全儼然已成為全球化新興環境的核心議題，在面對中共積極強化東海經營管理策略及戰略部署的同時，我國更應該思考如何強化海洋政策作為，藉此與世界接軌，構建與各大國間的等距平衡交往戰略，從中獲得外交自主性，以確保國家最大利益。 / The territorial disputes of Diao-Yu-Tai Islands are the decisive factors to the stability of the East China Sea (ECS). ECS has not only rich living and non-living resources, but also profound effects on the security of Asia-Pacific area due to the significant geo-strategic interests thereof. According to the evolution of historical events, the Islands’ sovereignty disputes among the neighboring countries of China, Japan and Taiwan. Based on the special historic background and constraints of the international realism of one China policy, Taiwan is merely a marine country and has a difficulty to claim the sovereignty right of the Islands. China, the rising power, specifically set out the strategy of establishing itself as a “marine power” by integrating the internal maritime law enforcement agencies to demonstrate the determination of maintaining its maritime rights and interests so as to consolidate and expand the outcome of safeguarded rights. However, blocked by the Island chain of Asian Pacific that leads to insufficient defense and response space, China actively reinforces the maritime power to fulfill its ocean strategic interests and manage the potential military threats and maritime disputes. Taiwan shall break through the diplomatic bottleneck to seek for the best solution on the disputes of the Diao-Yu-Tai Islands to assert the national rights and people welfare under the international adverse situation. The maritime security is the core issue of the Globalization development. Facing to the strengthened stewardship strategy and military arrangement in the ECS of China, Taiwan should think over the marine policy to synchronize with the world and seek for the balance among the neighboring countries. As a result, it is beneficial for Taiwan to win the independent authority in diplomacy to ensure national best interests.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [584]-599).

本論文研究主要關注於，黃宗羲如何在肯定理性的待發展性下，就理性的自我發展，建立一套道德哲學。 首先第一章緒論，先敘述研究之背景目的、文獻評述，擬定之研究方法及進行步驟、預期研究成果。對於黃宗羲，首在去除形上學預設對人的限制。就人在活動中的自主性、發展性，建立一套個人道德養成與推動現實理想化，密不可分的道德體系。筆者將於第二到第六章在此體系下，分別就不同脈絡的個個問題探討其哲學之建構。 第二章：黃宗羲在作品中屢稱己意在承繼劉蕺山，但單憑於此，尚難斷定黃宗羲的哲學思想是承繼劉蕺山。尤其是黃宗羲對人物思想評論，間有與劉蕺山不同之處，而當今學界，更是在黃宗羲與劉蕺山思想定位上，存在著歧異。此歧異牽涉資料援引問題，本章目的乃就當今學術界研究歧異先做一回應。首重原典的掌握，並進行對各家看法加以檢視考據。根據原典呈現，將兩者定位，並就黃宗羲對劉蕺山承繼與發展，來看黃宗羲哲學所關注的焦點。 第三章：針對於黃宗羲理論歧見最多的氣學定位，個人認為應分成兩面向來看。一是黃宗羲對天道之堅持，二是其重氣的理氣觀。而關於此兩面向，有待就黃宗羲理氣、心性與道德關係角度作說明。 第四章：論述黃宗羲哲學是心學也是氣學，就氣流行方式，認為人滯於私為惡，故必須從（1）現實無法使人成善？（2）人何以有一不依經驗的道德性？（3）此道德性如何引導人在現實成善？此三個問題做討論。本章並就理氣與心性論、工夫論之間關係，解釋人道德呈現差異與人文化成。 第五章：本章延續第四章問題論「性」的呈現，由道德意志貫徹於氣化實踐，使「性」以成其全，並論主體擴充之工夫內容。 第六章：黃宗羲認為個人的道德養成，與儒家道德世界在現實中完成乃是密不可分，因此儒家思想在社會建立社會規範，在肯定理性的待發展性下，就理性的自我發展，完成以儒家思想建立公共的規範。 最後，本論文將總結討論黃宗羲建構之哲學思想，能否真正取代陽明心學，以及其哲學的可能發展。 / This thesis mainly focuses on how Huang Zongxi （黃宗羲）established a set of moral philosophy on the basis of affirmative rational development. The first chapter of the introduction, describes the background purpose of research, literature review, the proposed research methods and measures and the expected results. Huang Zongxi, aims for removing metaphysical restrictions on human . Based on the autonomy and development of human in activities, he establishes a set of moral system in which not only personal morality can be fostered but also promotes the idealization of reality. Under this system,from the second to the sixth chapters, I will discuss the construction of his philosophy on the various contexts respectively . The second chapter discusses thatalthough Huang Zongxi repeatedly claimed that he is willing to inheritLiu Jishan (劉蕺山）in his works, it is insufficient to conclude that Huang Zongxi's philosophical thinking is indeed so.In particular, Huang Zongxi's comments on the character thought were different from that of Liu Jieshan. In today's academic world, there is disagreement betweenthe philosophical points of Huang Zongxi and Liu Jishan. The primary purpose of this chapter is to respond to the current academic disagreement which resulted from data-citing problem. Focusing on the original texts, examined the views of various critics. The two would be positioned based on the original texts. Viewing the focus of Huang Zongxi's philosophy which was based on his inheritance and development of Liu Jieshan. The third chapterconcentrates on the controversial issue about the theory of qi (氣) in Huang Zongxi’ philosophy,which should be regarded as two aspects. One is Huang Zongxi 's adherence to the tiandao (天道), the other is his emphasizing of the value of qi (氣). I would illustrated the two aspects by the discussions of the relationships of Huang Zongxi's li-qi (理氣）andxin-xing (心性）inmoral system. The fourth chapter discusses that Huang Zongxi’s philosophy is not only xin xue (心學), but also qi xue (氣學). By the way qi move, human who stagnant self-interest, become evil. Therefore it must be debated on three questions as below ：(1) Can the reality not make thepeople good? (2) Why do people have a morality that does not depend on experience? (3) How does this morality lead people to be good at reality? This chapter also explains the difference between human morality and human culture by the relationship between the theory of qi, the theory of the xin and thetheory of cultivation . In the chapter five, I continue to discuss the presentation of "xing" . Since the morality is carried out by qi’s realization, to complete xing ,and discusses the content of cultivation by the expansion of the subject. In the sixth chapter, according to Huang Zong-xi’s view , the Confucian moral world in reality, which is closely linked with the individual's moral cultivation. Therefore,Confucianism will to establish a social norms in society. Under affirmative rational development, the public norms established by Confucianism willbe completed by self-realization. Finally, I will summarize that whether Huang Zongxi's philosophy can truly replace Yangmingism (陽明心學）and the possibledevelopment of Huang’s philosophy.