This thesis aims to provide a view point from which we can understand the long-term historical transformations of Korean politics since the late fourteenth century. I will attempt to illustrate the overall configuration of Korean politics with sociological reference to three questions: what kinds of political events have occurred? Which political issues have led to the participation of major political actors? How have these actors shown their political orientation in practice and how have events and actors determined politics, or, if there is no determination, how have they influenced the overall shape of politics? The concept of modernity in this thesis is mainly used to indicate the embodiment of political actors’ alternative visions without necessarily accepting the widely acknowledged assumption that modernity is the epochal quality of the contemporary period which exclusively enjoy. Some sociologists, especially in comparative-historical sociology, since the late 1990s have shown their intellectual interest in conceptualizing ‘multiple modernities'. They recognize the importance of theorizing the existence of plural forms of societal development for the contemporary situation, while some classical ideas on modernity based on the European or American experience have been critically evaluated in regional studies. If the Korean experience is regarded as an example of multiple modernities, it is not because the political boundary itself - which has been called Korea, as well as Chosun, Koryo, Balhac/Shilla, etc. -, has its own distinctive political and cultural color. Rather it is because the actors in Korean history generally, have shown themselves to be a good example for evaluating modernity. Regardless of quite different historical trajectories, the compatibility of the Korean experience with others under the title of multiple modernities, can be adduced both from the way in which human practices have emerged in their collective form, with their own political orientations, and in the relationship to other actors within a boundary.

The majority of children, involved in both waged and unwaged work exist beyond the control and comprehension of national and international regulation, within the informal economy. Research has shown that the informal economy, contrary to general perception, is not a sphere of unregulated activity, but rather, operates through alternative structures and techniques of power. Children's work within the informal economy, and therefore outside the regulative reach of the state, is subject to extra-legal modes of regulation that are pursued through elaborate systems of discipline and power exercised by non-state actors, groups, and social institutions and networks. Through a case study on children in Kolkata, India, who are engaged in specific forms of informal work in three distinct urban spaces – domestic servitude in the private realm of the home, small-scale manufacturing and service work in factories and shops, and ragpicking, scavenging and begging on the streets – this thesis aims to explore the way children's lives are constructed through work and space, to uncover the social processes and relations of power that working children navigate in order to build and sustain their livelihoods. I examine the way that children's spaces of work are imbued with social relations of gender, caste, religion, ethnicity and power that are enacted through the construction of hierarchies, divisions of labour, and work regimes. I also explore the politics of these spaces, revealing the primary economic partnerships and obstacles that children contend with in constructing their working lives. Overall, I aim to uncover the ways in which children engage with and negotiate the extra-legal systems of regulation by categorically analysing children's work in the home, shop and factory, and street.

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This thesis reports on the results of an interview-based survey of 21 British Columbia exporters active in the ASEAN region. The primary focus of the research was on the sources of information utilized by these exporters in uncovering their initial and most recent business opportunities in the ASEAN market. The respondents in the study displayed a clear preference for sources of information which were external to their organizations rather than internal and for personal sources of information rather than non-personal or documentary sources (including electronic databases). The single most important source of information on potential business opportunities in ASEAN was the personal network of contacts developed by the firm's own personnel, particularly the firm's local man in the field (whether he be an agent, distributor, or joint venture partner). Contrary to the U.S., Swedish and European experience described elsewhere in the literature, the respondents in this study rarely entered the ASEAN market on the basis of an "unsolicited export order". Nor did they attach much importance to bankers, consultants, brokers, lawyers, or government officials as sources of potentially useful information on new business opportunities in ASEAN. Also surprising was the fairly common usage of a "piggyback" or "big brother" method of initial market entry into ASEAN. In most of these cases, the respondents acted as subcontractors to larger Canadian and American firms active in the ASEAN marketplace. Equally surprising was the conspicuous lack of success enjoyed by two B.C. export consortiums formed to penetrate the ASEAN market. Finally, there was very little evidence of any major shift in the type of information sources used, over time. The best sources of information remained "personal contacts" and "the local man in the field". There was, however, some movement away from the use of personal contacts established by the firm's senior executives while on a preliminary swing through the region and towards the use of personal contacts established by the firm's local representative. In addition, there was a growing trend towards the use of indigenous or "bumiputra" representatives in ASEAN and away from the use of Chinese or expatriate middlemen. / Business, Sauder School of / Graduate

Regional integration is not a new phenomenon but has become an increasingly important topic of political research with the continued expansion of the European Union as well as an increased number of regional organizations around the globe. This paper will seek to use both Europe and East Asia as illustrations in order to better comprehend the driving forces behind integration as well as why some regions are further integrated than others. The purpose of this research is to achieve a better understanding of what causes regional integration in hopes of developing a more inclusive theory. More specifically, it aims to see how integrated the region of East Asia is, in particular when compared to Europe. Through comparing the two regions and analyzing factors in both Europe and East Asia as determined by current integration theory, this research aims to achieve a better understanding of the driving forces behind regional integration as an international phenomenon. My research is an attempt to tie together the multiple existing theories of regional integration with the goal of creating a more cohesive and measurable theory. With an increased understanding of regional integration, we will be better able to both explain and predict integration in both Europe and East Asia, as well as other, less integrated regions around the world.

Thesis. 1976. M.S. cn--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Meteorology. / Microfiche copy available in Archives and Science. / Bibliography: leaves 113-116. / M.S.cn

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This paper examines Free World articles covering anticommunism, modernization, decolonization, intra-regionalism, US foreign affairs, US foreign aid, and neocolonialism because the task of popularizing specific iterations of these ideas illustrated the implementation of the ideas formulated in NSC 48/5. Moreover, NSC 48/5 called non-communist Asia the location of “the most immediate threats to American National Security.” My paper seeks to answer the question of how American propaganda in Asia, seen through a case study of Free World, tried to accomplish this popularization objective. I argue that the United States Information Agency (USIA) masked America’s neocolonialist intentions and activities in East and Southeast Asia through a rhetoric of anticommunism, intra-regionalism, and modernization. / History