published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

published_or_final_version / Business Administration / Master / Master of Business Administration

published_or_final_version / History / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This dissertation examines the efforts of Pacific internationalists in the years during and after World War II to forge private intellectual connections between the West and Asia. One of the most prominent groups in this movement was the Institute of Pacific Relations (1925-61), an international non-governmental organization that nurtured a trans-Pacific community of scholars, businessmen and diplomats through research projects and international conferences. In evaluating the work of these internationalists during the postwar period, this dissertation challenges conventional Cold War historiography that has marginalized such cooperative efforts during these years. Previous scholarship concerning the Institute of Pacific Relations has noted the way in which the organization fell victim to anti-communist politics in the United States, yet no studies have examined the records of its postwar conferences, which reveal an active international agenda well into the 1950s. The support of Asian members for such trans-Pacific ties, moreover, provides a counter-narrative to the story of revolutionary nationalism and third-world solidarity among emerging Asian and African countries during this period. The Institute of Pacific Relations acted as a valuable asset in the struggle for the “mind of Asia,” this dissertation argues, largely because its leadership did not conform to the prevailing Cold War mindset. As a private international organization, the IPR provided a venue for unofficial dialogue among private elites who at once confronted and transcended the geopolitical restrictions of their time. In maintaining private East-West partnerships through such turbulent years, these Pacific internationalists set the stage for regional cooperative ventures to flourish later in the twentieth century. / text

Foreign policy making often involves the balancing of priorities and tradeoffs. U.S. foreign policy to Central Asia has changed over time, in response to regional concerns and domestic priorities. This study examines U.S. foreign policy motivations in Central Asia, the limitations and counterweights in the region, and the results of U.S. foreign policy to the region. Security, energy, and democracy building are the primary areas of U.S. interest in the region, with security having taken precedence in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. In a complex region, surrounded by many interested international players, poorly calibrated U.S. policy and balancing of policy interests resulted in the souring of relations between the U.S. and Central Asian countries. Many have charged that bungled policy and the reentrance of large neighbors Russia and China resulted in a turning point that led to a large and costly decline in U.S. influence. Did the U.S. lose Central Asia? Was it inevitable that Central Asia’s neighbors would reemerge as primary influences? This study assesses mismanagement of U.S. foreign policy interests, the interests and policies of Russia and China in the region, the future outlook of U.S. policy, and possibilities for cooperation between the U.S. and neighboring superpowers in the region. / text

Individuality – both as a philosophical category and a way of living – forms the focal point of a resonance between our times and the 17th-century. Impelled by this haunting resonance, and in an attempt to understand it, my paper examines the literary history of biographical writing in both Europe and South Asia, from 560 BCE to 1700 CE. What is it about the 17th century that is so specific? Why do only these biographies strike us as records of the lives of true individuals? And why do individuals first appear in 17th century South Asia? To adequately comprehend this nomadic literary genre, we must abstract ourselves from the geography and examine the thematic aspects of our texts. I suggest it is imperative to look at modes of life as they are formed over time, across Europe and South Asia. That is, we most focus on the philosophically-rich questions of the categories that structured lives. Pausing in the 17th century, I examine the Viaggi of Pietro Della Valle (an Italian traveler in Turkey, Iran and South Asia) and the Ardhakathānaka of Banārasīdāsa (the first Indian autobiography, comprising the records of a Jain merchant roaming South Asia). For just one generation, from 1600-1650, autobiographical writing becomes an ethical practice by which they reflect on and build individuality. / text

This thesis draws on a synthesis of foreign policy analysis (FPA) and constructivism in order to demonstrate how post Cold War Mongolia’s relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) can be analysed through a multisectoral approach to explain the dilemmas that a weak state faces when conducting its relations with a much more powerful neighbour. It proposes that the dissonance between Mongolia’s social identity and its structures of governance is the basis for the Mongolian state’s weakness and that such weakness makes growing economic dependency on the PRC more difficult to manage. Moreover, the resulting combination of economic dependency and state weakness seriously limits the government’s ability to maintain an effective broader foreign policy. The dissertation draws on government texts, academic and media articles, and interviews in Mandarin Chinese, Mongolian, and English. The thesis looks in detail at the nature of Mongolian identity politics by focusing on identity development over la longue durée. It then demonstrates how the international community failed to take account of the dynamics of Mongolian identity politics when it came to assisting the Mongolian government with the country’s post Cold War transition from communism. This led to an undue reliance on what can be termed ‘Washington Consensus’ type political and economic reforms that considerably added to the weakness of the state. The thesis then focuses on Mongolia’s economic relations with the PRC to show how such state weakness has resulted in a relationship of growing dependency. Building on economic dependency theory, the thesis then further examines the implications of Mongolia-Sino relations from environmental, societal, and military perspectives. In conclusion, the dissertation argues that the division between the Mongolian state and society has been exacerbated by the country’s adherence to capitalism and democracy in ways that have created the potential for domestic instability by increasing the depth and breadth of economic dependence on the PRC. This imposes severe constraints on foreign policy options but has also demanded some imaginative innovations that give interesting insights into the measures a vulnerable state can take to maximise its international presence. Ultimately, however, the disjuncture between social identity and the state acts as a constraining factor on such initiatives in the case of Mongolia.

共一冊、九萬字、五章、十二節。 第一章 導論 一、中國國民黨之容共與清黨 二、中共特務組織成立之原因 三、中共特務活動的本質 四、中共特務活動的範圍 第二章 中共的特務組織 一、上海的特務組織 二、「蘇區」的特務組織 三、「紅軍」的特務組織 第三章 中共的特務活動 一、上海的特務活動 二、「蘇區」的特務活動 三、「軍」的特務活動 第四章 敵我鬥爭的檢討 一、調查科所採用的方法 二、對中共所造成的打擊 第五章 結論